Classica Cracoviensia https://journals.akademicka.pl/cc <p><em>Classica Cracoviensia</em>, the annual devoted to the studies of Greek and Roman antiquity, was established in 1995 as the initiative of the Director of the Institute of Classical Philology of the Jagiellonian University, Professor Stanisław Stabryła. Since 1996, the function of the scientific editor has been held by Professor Jerzy Styka. From the very beginning, <em>Classica Cracoviensia</em> has been planned as a forum for scientific cooperation between the Institute of Classical Philology of the Jagiellonian University and European university centers of studies on the classical Greek and Roman culture in its various forms – literature as well as politics, philosophy, religion, law, art and reception studies.</p> en-US journals@akademicka.pl (Department of Scientific Journals, Ksiegarnia Akademicka Publishing) journals@akademicka.pl (Author’s Support) Tue, 31 Dec 2024 17:24:11 +0100 OJS 3.3.0.15 http://blogs.law.harvard.edu/tech/rss 60 Front Matter https://journals.akademicka.pl/cc/article/view/6165 Copyright (c) 2024 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 https://journals.akademicka.pl/cc/article/view/6165 Tue, 31 Dec 2024 00:00:00 +0100 Classical Archaeologist on Vergilian Studies. Gerhard Binder’s Commentary to the Aeneid https://journals.akademicka.pl/cc/article/view/6185 Tomasz Polański Copyright (c) 2024 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 https://journals.akademicka.pl/cc/article/view/6185 Tue, 31 Dec 2024 00:00:00 +0100 Professor Dariusz Brodka – In Memoriam https://journals.akademicka.pl/cc/article/view/6166 <p>No abstract is avaliable for this article.</p> Joanna Janik Copyright (c) 2024 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 https://journals.akademicka.pl/cc/article/view/6166 Tue, 31 Dec 2024 00:00:00 +0100 Bibliography of Professor Dariusz Brodka https://journals.akademicka.pl/cc/article/view/6168 <p>No abstract is avaliable for this article.</p> Tomasz Babnis Copyright (c) 2024 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 https://journals.akademicka.pl/cc/article/view/6168 Tue, 31 Dec 2024 00:00:00 +0100 Back Matter https://journals.akademicka.pl/cc/article/view/6186 Copyright (c) 2024 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 https://journals.akademicka.pl/cc/article/view/6186 Tue, 31 Dec 2024 00:00:00 +0100 A Note on the Etymology of Brūtes/Brūtis ‘a (Latin-Speaking?) Bride’ https://journals.akademicka.pl/cc/article/view/6182 <p>The purpose of this article is to trace the etymology of the Late Latin word <em>brūtes/brūtis</em> ‘(Latin-speaking?) wife’ and try to decide whether the exact origin of this word can go back without doubt to the Gothic form <em>*brūþs</em> attested in the form of the acc. sg. in the Gothic translation of the Bible made by the bishop Wulfila in the 4th century AD, as is usually assumed in the scholarly literature. It is concluded that the origins of the word should rather be traced to East Germanic <em>*brūþiz</em> although all of the details are still not clear due to the lack of direct evidence and other hypotheses should also be considered.</p> Dariusz R. Piwowarczyk Copyright (c) 2024 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 https://journals.akademicka.pl/cc/article/view/6182 Tue, 31 Dec 2024 00:00:00 +0100 Two Epigraphical Notes from Lesbos https://journals.akademicka.pl/cc/article/view/6183 <p>The article addresses the issue of a dialectal lexicon, using the example of two forms, αυθιτελεας and ανερ[ι]θευτως (‘on the spot in an uncorrupted way’), found in a document from Asiatic Kyme (KYM 01, 4). The adjective αυθιτελεας (‘on the spot’) is a <em>hapax legomenon</em>, which can be considered a regular and expected outcome of the accusative plural in Lesbian: /ºteles+as/ → /ºteleas/. However, the forms in -εα should rather be interpreted as borrowings from Epic language with secondary adaptation to Aeolic. Thus, αυθιτελεας could be explained as an element of the high register of the dialect, modelled after a literary pattern.<br />The form ανερ[ι]θευτως (‘uncorrupted’) appears in other regions and does not seem to be bound to a specific dialect. It is an adverb derived from the privative verbal adjective ανεριθευτος, from ἐριθεύω (‘to work for a daily salary’). The etymology of the verb has been discussed, and the semantic development has been demonstrated. Thus, the form ανερ[ι]θευτως has been interpreted as part of the conventional official language of Hellenistic inscriptions. αυθιτελεας, however, may be specific to the Lesbian dialect, but its distinct origin suggests that it may have originated from a literary variety.</p> Wojciech Sowa Copyright (c) 2024 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 https://journals.akademicka.pl/cc/article/view/6183 Tue, 31 Dec 2024 00:00:00 +0100 Byzantine Scholiasts on the Description of the Grammatical Category of the Noun Number in Τέχνη γραμματική Attributed to Dionysius Thrax https://journals.akademicka.pl/cc/article/view/6184 <p>The article cites passages from Τέχνη γραμματική which characterise the grammatical category of the noun number (ἀριθμοὶ ὀνομάτων) and define two classes of nouns, i.e. collective nouns (ὀνόματα περιληπτικά) and distributive (pro)nouns (ὀνόματα ἐπιμεριζόμενα), which are closely related to the category of the number. Subsequently, the passages are confronted with the comments of Byzantine scholiasts on them, quoted from A. Hilgard’s scholia edition. Familiarisation with and interpretation of the analysed scholia made it possible to demonstrate the way in which the model description of the grammatical noun number as well as the characteristics of collective nouns and distributive pronouns, contained in the textbook, were received in the circle of Byzantine grammarians. In particular, focus was put on the scholiasts’ choice in regard to which of the passages required further explanation or complement, and what explanations or complements thereof were formulated in the scholia, as well as which statements were met with objections or criticism from Byzantine commentators, what where the reasons behind those, and what were the suggested corrections. The analyses conducted, though limited to selected issues, allow for at least a partial understanding of the specificity of the grammatical education in the Byzantine Empire and the nature of the Byzantine discourse on the content of Τέχνη.</p> Hubert Wolanin Copyright (c) 2024 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 https://journals.akademicka.pl/cc/article/view/6184 Tue, 31 Dec 2024 00:00:00 +0100 Ἔρις and ‘Hesiodic Society’ of the Iron Age https://journals.akademicka.pl/cc/article/view/6167 <p>In this article I turn attention to the role of Eris (‘Strife’/’Discord’) in Hesiod’s <em>Opera et dies</em>. Namely, I attempt to consider the question of extent to which the role of the personified deity of ‘Strife’, so evidently exposed in the poem, as well as the related story (μῦθος) of the Iron Age, can be interpreted as a Hesiodic ‘commentary’ on the socio-political reality of his time.</p> Bogdan Burliga Copyright (c) 2024 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 https://journals.akademicka.pl/cc/article/view/6167 Tue, 31 Dec 2024 00:00:00 +0100 Alcinous’ Garden – Archetypical, Paradigmatic or Simply Imagined? https://journals.akademicka.pl/cc/article/view/6169 <p>In this article, I offer a new reading of the well-known passus from Homer’s<em> Odyssey</em> containing a description of the so-called ‘garden of Alcinous’ (<em>Od</em>. 7, 112–132). In the first instance, I draw attention to a context in the Homeric epic, given the formulaic language of the epic and the ambiguity of reading certain terms. In the following section, I focus on the presence of this passus in works of selected Byzantine authors, attempting to answer the question for what purpose they used this very reference. Finally, I try to show the reception of the aforementioned motif in modern times, namely in 18th century Britain, where it appears as a reflection of a lost ideal that needs to be recreated and adapted to new times. All of this serves, on the one hand, to refute the commonly held opinions repeated by historians of gardening that the first model of gardens could be found as early as Homer. Secondly, my findings also cast doubt on the question of the garden of Alcinous as a model for Byzantine literary gardens. Thirdly, they show to what extent the bearing of certain ideas can be misrepresented in translation and what consequences this issue has.</p> Michał Bzinkowski Copyright (c) 2024 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 https://journals.akademicka.pl/cc/article/view/6169 Tue, 31 Dec 2024 00:00:00 +0100 Ulysses and His peregrini amores in the Latin Love Elegy https://journals.akademicka.pl/cc/article/view/6170 <p>This article aims to trace the ‘unfaithful Ulysses’ motif in the Latin love elegy of the Augustan era. Roman elegists deconstruct Ulysses’s epic profile by turning his resourcefulness, his most celebrated virtue in epic poetry, into a vice; as a result, the elegiac Ulysses is a cunning sailor who charms women at every port he stops at, always being at the ready to sail away. This image of the epic hero is assessed in two conflicting ways: he is either judged for his insolent erotic behaviour, or he is applauded as the ideal ‘casual lover’, enviable to lovers who are unable to resist their self-destructing, obsessive passions.</p> Danae Christidou Copyright (c) 2024 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 https://journals.akademicka.pl/cc/article/view/6170 Tue, 31 Dec 2024 00:00:00 +0100 Two Remarks on the Nature of the Breviarium of Patriarch Nikephoros of Constantinople and its Final Chapters https://journals.akademicka.pl/cc/article/view/6171 <p>In the last modern edition of Nikephoros’ Breviarium (Mango 1990), the editor stated that this work is nothing but a few chronicle sources rewritten in Attic style (maybe sentence by sentence) and that the text shows clear signs of progressive weariness at the end of the narrative. Even if contested by some scholars, Mango’s view on Nikephoros and his work prevails. Careful analysis of the story of deposition and execution of patriarch Constantine (c. 83–84) proves that Nikephoros consciously rearranged his source material to create his own narrative and present the events in a smooth way; it also explains whence comes the supposedly confused chronology in this part of the text. Secondly, the comparison of the Nikephoros’ (c. 86) and Theophanes’ (443, 22–26) descriptions of destructions done in the imperial palace by patriarch Niketas shows that Nikephoros did rewrite his source material in a classical way <em>par excellence</em>, even at the very end of the work. These remarks indicate the need of rethinking or, at least, nuancing Mango’s view on the nature of the <em>Breviarium</em>.</p> Antoni Czachor Copyright (c) 2024 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 https://journals.akademicka.pl/cc/article/view/6171 Tue, 31 Dec 2024 00:00:00 +0100 In the Shadow of the Empire https://journals.akademicka.pl/cc/article/view/6172 <p>Comparing is a base operation in the description of foreigners. Yet, its role in Hellenistic ethnography is still understudied. The paper looks at practices of comparing in the ethnographic texts of Polybius, Posidonius and Strabo in the 2nd and 1st century BC, which served to integrate the (newly discovered) peoples of western Europe into Greek views of the world. It shows both that the conquest of these areas by the Romans changed Greek perceptions of western ‘barbarians’ and that older ethnographic traditions were still retained.</p> Julian Gieseke Copyright (c) 2024 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 https://journals.akademicka.pl/cc/article/view/6172 Tue, 31 Dec 2024 00:00:00 +0100 ἐγώ, ἡμεῖϛ, ὑμεῖϛ – Constructing Identity of a Speaker in Reference to His Audience in the Political Speeches of Demosthenes and the Political Writings of Isocrates https://journals.akademicka.pl/cc/article/view/6173 <p>In this paper I would like to focus on the very basic philological question of frequency and context of utterances in the first person singular and plural as well as the second person plural in the deliberative speeches of Demosthenes and the political writings of Isocrates imitating deliberative speech. In this genre of oratory self-presentation of a speaker and the way he constructs his relationship with the audience seem crucial for the effectiveness of persuasion. In this respect, it is interesting to notice differences between Demosthenes and Isocrates. Both clearly mark their own positions as opposed to opinions of the others and eagerly employ verbs in the first person singular (or personal pronouns ‘mine’, ‘my’), especially in the opening sections of speeches, but, when it comes to the analysis of past events, the deliberation of present condition or advice for the future, Demosthenes tends to speak in the second person plural standing literally and metaphorically versus the Athenians, while Isocrates chooses the first person plural as if he was trying to erase the division between himself and his audience.<br />This tendency might be explained by aesthetic preferences and individual dispositions of both orators, nevertheless I would like to argue that some less subjective reason could be taken into consideration.</p> Joanna Janik Copyright (c) 2024 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 https://journals.akademicka.pl/cc/article/view/6173 Tue, 31 Dec 2024 00:00:00 +0100 In Lampadem mundani splendoris acceditur https://journals.akademicka.pl/cc/article/view/6174 <p>The article proposes the reading of Capella’s NMPh I 14–15 and the relevant encounter of Mercury and Apollo against the background of contemporary astrological doctrine. The carefully outlined astrological semantics of the seven rivers and of the subsequent rising of Apollo/the Sun provide an additional insight into the complex and multilayered nature of Mercury’s travels as portrayed by Martianus, but also furnish an important indication of the overall importance of the astrological component in the work.</p> Joanna Komorowska Copyright (c) 2024 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 https://journals.akademicka.pl/cc/article/view/6174 Tue, 31 Dec 2024 00:00:00 +0100 A Few Remarks on the Description of the Baptism of the Emperor Constantine in the Chronicle of George the Monk, Actus Silvestri, and the Byzantine Hagiographical Tradition1 https://journals.akademicka.pl/cc/article/view/6175 <p>This article focuses on the 9th century accounts of Constantine I’s baptism. Sources from this period strongly reject Eusebius of Caesarea’s account of Constantine’s baptism on his deathbed and promote the tradition of the emperor’s baptism at the hands of Pope Sylvester in Rome in the early years of the emperor’s reign. The acceptance of the legend of Pope Sylvester seems to be connected with the idea of Emperor Constantine’s personal holiness in opposition to the emperors’ promotion of the emperor-priest ideal in the 8th century. However, the acceptance of the legend concerning Pope Sylvester may also be related to the perception – during the iconoclasm period – of the papacy as a bastion of orthodoxy.</p> Rafał Kosiński Copyright (c) 2024 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 https://journals.akademicka.pl/cc/article/view/6175 Tue, 31 Dec 2024 00:00:00 +0100 Tsakonia as Seen by Travellers https://journals.akademicka.pl/cc/article/view/6176 <p>Tsakonia is a region in Greece, situated within the borders of the modern municipalities of North and South Kynouria. The local population speaks a distinct language, Tsakonian, which is believed to have evolved from Ancient Doric. From the 1st to the 17th century, there was a dearth of knowledge regarding the region. While Byzantine sources make brief mention of Tsakonia and the Tzacones or Tzecones [Τζάκωνες/Τζέκωνες], an elite Byzantine military unit, there are no descriptions of the local landscape, people, or language. In the 17th century, travellers began to visit Tsakonia, recording their observations in writing. These accounts, which range from admiration of the region’s healthy air and robust population to ridicule of the local attire, provide insight into the perceptions of Tsakonia held by these visitors. In the present paper, I will examine various ravel descriptions of Tsakonia, including those by Pausanias (Ancient Greek), Evliya Çelebi (Ottoman), William Martin Leake (English), and Jean-Baptiste Gaspard d’Ansse de Villoison and François-René de Chateaubriand (French). In addition to these primary sources, I will also examine a few minor mentions, including those by Martin Crusius and Bernard Randolph. My aim is to shed light on the perception of Tsakonia, particularly on the concept of ‘Tsakonia’ itself and on the travelers’ observations regarding the region’s geography, the character of its people and language.</p> Marcel Nowakowski Copyright (c) 2024 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 https://journals.akademicka.pl/cc/article/view/6176 Tue, 31 Dec 2024 00:00:00 +0100 The Rivalry of Procopius of Caesarea and Antonina the Patrician https://journals.akademicka.pl/cc/article/view/6177 <p>Procopius of Caesarea traveled with the household of the general Belisarius for many years. If his <em>Secret History</em> is any indication, the historian gained a rich acquaintance with Belisarius’s formidable wife, Antonina. It is possible that the negative treatment of Antonina in the <em>Secret History</em> reflects a rivalry between her and Procopius. This competition becomes most clear when examining the moments in which Procopius becomes a participant in his own narrative of the <em>History of the Wars</em>, and especially in the attempt to resupply Rome (under siege by the Goths) from Naples in 537 AD. Although the historian portrays this moment, when Belisarius entrusted him with fetching reinforcements and supplies for the beleaguered Roman army, as his time to shine, Procopius was upstaged by Antonina. If there was a competition for influence with Belisarius, it seems to have been one that Antonina won handily. It is worth therefore examining the outrageous critiques of Antonina in the <em>Secret History</em> through the lens of a disappointed or even revengeful Procopius.</p> David Alan Parnell Copyright (c) 2024 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 https://journals.akademicka.pl/cc/article/view/6177 Tue, 31 Dec 2024 00:00:00 +0100 From Jupiter’s Rod to the School Mace https://journals.akademicka.pl/cc/article/view/6178 <p>The article presents an edition, prose translation, and commentary concerning a Humanist Greek poem composed by Michael Retell and published in Danzig in 1571. The poem is dedicated to the origin of the academic mace as a symbol of authority and power within the Danzig academic school (Gymnasium Dantiscanum). Through an analysis of this text, the study aims to shed light on some organisational aspects of the renowned Reformed school during its formative period and to highlight the contributions of a talented yet lesser-known Hellenist of the Polish Renaissance.</p> Roberto Peressin Copyright (c) 2024 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 https://journals.akademicka.pl/cc/article/view/6178 Tue, 31 Dec 2024 00:00:00 +0100 When You Praise the Ruler, Do not Hesitate to Boast Your Own Talent – Analysis of the Poem Heraclias, Book I, Verses: 1–139 of George of Pisidia https://journals.akademicka.pl/cc/article/view/6179 <p>The poems of George of Pisidia – the court poet of the Emperor Heraclius – are not only an important historical source for the reign of this Byzantine ruler, but also an expression of the extraordinary erudition and talent of their author. The subject of this article is an analysis concerning a fragment of one of them – <em>Heraclias</em>. In this epic, which is a praise of the emperor’s reign, the poet with true virtuosity weaves references to the traditions and culture of pagan and Christian antiquity into the historical narrative. Based on rhetorical recommendations, he gives his poem a laudatory character. Pisides creates an extraordinary, surprisingly coherent work. The poet’s erudition is revealed not only by the content but also by the compositional devices of his works.</p> Magdalena Samoń-Trzos Copyright (c) 2024 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 https://journals.akademicka.pl/cc/article/view/6179 Tue, 31 Dec 2024 00:00:00 +0100 The Discourse on the Difference Between Audacity and Real Fortitude in De bellis by Procopius of Caesarea https://journals.akademicka.pl/cc/article/view/6180 <p>In <em>De bellis</em> by Procopius of Caesarea, there are multiple, though quite dispersed, instances of a discourse concentrated thematically on the distinction between true fortitude and audacity, with the latter being a mere semblance of the former, and actually a vice that is just the opposite of fortitude. The weight of this discourse comes from the role played by the virtue of fortitude in Procopius’ vision of history – being, on the one hand, the proper motive for preserving the remembrance of martial deeds and, on the other hand, the human-related factor that makes the greatest impact on the course of history. To understand this discourse properly, we need to abandon modern insights (with the mediaeval origin) expressed by concepts such as ‘courage’ and ‘bravery’ that blurred the boundary between virtue and emotion. Analysis of this discourse points to a relationship between real fortitude and prudence/integrity, while audacity is related to cowardice in the sense that it turns into the latter instantly in the face of danger (a stereotypical characteristic of villains in Antiquity). Likewise, seeking a certain death would be an act of audacity, not fortitude. However, a closer analysis of individual cases within this discourse shows a surprising rule: nearly all of them are examples of the moral philosophy applied in a perverse manner, to justify often disgraceful acts. Procopius himself, even though considering the reckless risking of one’s life as unworthy of fortitude, looks with admiration on all those who choose fighting until the end over accepting the shame of surrender (including also the opponents of Rome such as Vandals, Goths, and Persians). It appears then that the Late-Antique historiographer had already viewed the Platonic-Aristotelean distinction of fortitude and audacitywith some reserve, being closer in spirit to a new conception of fortitude, later on to be expressed by the term ‘courage’.</p> Michał Stachura Copyright (c) 2024 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 https://journals.akademicka.pl/cc/article/view/6180 Tue, 31 Dec 2024 00:00:00 +0100 Procopius on the Palm Grove https://journals.akademicka.pl/cc/article/view/6181 <p>This paper examines Procopius’ discussion of the Palm Grove presented in his two works: <em>Wars</em> and <em>Buildings</em> – a topic that has received only passing attention in the scholarship. Based on a closer look at Procopius’ language (he mostly uses a singular form of φοινικών); broader contextual questions (Abu Karib); the archaeobotanical history of selected sites in the Hijāz; a consideration of comparative textual sources like Nonnosus; and an assessment of the potential distance between the Roman Empire and the Palm Grove, I argue that the most likely modern location of this place is Madā’in Salīh or, somewhat more likely, Taymā, both in contemporary Saudi Arabia.</p> Conor Whately Copyright (c) 2024 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 https://journals.akademicka.pl/cc/article/view/6181 Tue, 31 Dec 2024 00:00:00 +0100