On the Etymology of Polish róg, OCS rogŭ, Lithuanian ragas, Latvian rags, and Old Prussian ragis ‘horn’
DOI:
https://doi.org/10.12797/LV.21.2026.41.16Keywords:
etymology, Slavic languages, Baltic languages, Proto-Indo-EuropeanAbstract
The article offers an analysis and evaluation of etymological hypotheses concerning Proto-Balto-Slavic *ra̍gas ‘horn’ (> Polish róg, OCS rogъ, Lithuanian rãgas, Latvian rags, Old Prussian ragis). The most probable—though not flawless—proposal is considered to be Fick’s hypothesis deriving the word from PIE *(h₂)regh- ‘to straighten (oneself)’. The hypotheses connecting Balto-Slavic form with PIE *h₃reǵ- ‘to straighten’ (Walde), *u̯reh₂ǵh- ‘thorn, tip, stalk’ (Abaev), *u̯reh₁ǵ- ‘to break, crack’ (Shaposhnikov), and *rog- ‘horn’ (Illich-Svitych) are judged to be unlikely for various reasons, primarily formal: the absence of the lengthening expected under Winter’s law, the problem of the palatality of the stop, the irregular loss of initial *u̯-, and the irregular development of *-r̥- to *-ra-. As an interesting alternative, the paper considers a connection with the root *(h₂)rek- ‘to rise; pole, rod’ (Walde), though this would require the non-obvious assumption of a PIE alternation *k : *gh.
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