Politeja https://journals.akademicka.pl/politeja <p><em>Politeja</em> is published by the Faculty of International and Political Studies of the Jagiellonian University, where a circle has formed of academics perfectly qualified for undertaking such reflection. It seems that it is in this particular unit of the Jagiellonian University that such reflection finds a forum perfectly equipped for an in-depth and solid analysis of phenomena of present-day relevance, both cultural and political, given that it has combined units existing for a long time with newly established ones, albeit in both cases comprising experienced researchers capable of looking at the same phenomena from various vantage points.</p> Księgarnia Akademicka Sp. z o.o. en-US Politeja 1733-6716 Front Matter https://journals.akademicka.pl/politeja/article/view/5195 Copyright (c) 2023 http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 2023-08-23 2023-08-23 20 2(83) Back Matter https://journals.akademicka.pl/politeja/article/view/5196 Copyright (c) 2023 http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 2023-08-23 2023-08-23 20 2(83) Droga do domu https://journals.akademicka.pl/politeja/article/view/5206 <p><strong><em>GOING HOME</em>: UKRAINIAN THEATRICAL ACTIVITIES IN THE PUBLIC SPACE AFTER 1991 ON THE EXAMPLE OF THE CONTEMPORARY ART PROFECT GOGOLFEST</strong></p> <p>Along with gaining independence, in Ukraine festival tendencies were revived, including theatrical art: the exchange of experiences has been intensified, tendencies to present social- and historical topics forbidden during the USSR times along with the search for new means of bringing theatrical art closer to the audience became more visible and prominent. In the early 1990s, festival movement became key to Ukrainian theatre’s revival, enabling its adaptation to the new socio-political, economic and cultural reality. The aim of the article is to present the GogolFest festival in the context of various directions of the festival movement after 1991. The idea and initiative to create this multidisciplinary project came from the director, producer and artistic manager of the ‘Dach’ Center for Contemporary Art. As a result, activities of GogolFest and its evolution have a broader culture-forming scope: through the integration of various fields of art and creators, they aim at modernizing Ukraine in the space of art. This, in turn, is the basic condition of forming or increasing the awareness and conducting social discussion on current and historical topics brought by the reality of contemporary Ukraine.</p> Joanna Bobula Copyright (c) 2023 http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 2023-08-23 2023-08-23 20 2(83) 209 228 10.12797/Politeja.20.2023.83.10 „Poukraińskie” i jego polskie losy https://journals.akademicka.pl/politeja/article/view/5207 <p><strong>“THE POST-UKRAINIAN” IN POLAND: A STORY OF VANISHING</strong></p> <p>In the literature on the heritage of the post-migration areas of south-eastern Poland, as well as in the nationwide information space, too little attention is paid to the Ukrainian legacy. Although since 1989, the topic has been discussed more often and more freely, and the knowledge in this area has significantly expanded, still the issue of Ukrainian heritage is underrepresented in scientific and journalistic narratives and public administration practices of eastern border regions Polish. Within the present borders of Poland, there are over a thousand postUkrainian localities, whose tangible and intangible heritage has been destroyed, forgotten, and repressed from social consciousness, it has become invisible. In this article we try to explain how this happened. We ask about the decisions, people, and events that caused the ‘Ukrainian’ in Poland to become a symbolic ‘after’ – ‘post-Ukrainian.’</p> <p> </p> Olga Kich-Masłej Copyright (c) 2023 http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 2023-08-23 2023-08-23 20 2(83) 229 255 10.12797/Politeja.20.2023.83.11 Topografia ukraińskiej pamięci historycznej po 1991 r. https://journals.akademicka.pl/politeja/article/view/5208 <p><strong>UKRAINIAN HISTORICAL MEMORY AFTER 1991: A RESEARCH RECONNAISSANCE</strong></p> <p>This article attempts to systematise the strategies of constructing Ukrainian historical memory during the 30 years of independent Ukraine. The focus is not only on the official policy of remembrance (or lack thereof ), but also on how the memory of historical events reaches the wider public through the media or culture and literature. The research describes the role of (micro)narratives of witnesses to history and subsequent generations growing up in the shadow of the post-colonial and post-totalitarian legacy in the formation of the national memory in post-1991 Ukraine.</p> Aniela Radecka Copyright (c) 2023 http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 2023-08-23 2023-08-23 20 2(83) 257 275 10.12797/Politeja.20.2023.83.12 Janina Kostkiewicz, Polski nurt krytyki nazizmu przed rokiem 1939 https://journals.akademicka.pl/politeja/article/view/5209 Bogdan Szlachta Copyright (c) 2023 http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 2023-08-23 2023-08-23 20 2(83) 277 282 10.12797/Politeja.20.2023.83.13 Idee i interesy. Piotr Skwieciński, Koniec ruskiego miru? O ideowych źródłach rosyjskiej agresji https://journals.akademicka.pl/politeja/article/view/5210 Paweł Rojek Copyright (c) 2023 http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 2023-08-23 2023-08-23 20 2(83) 283 294 10.12797/Politeja.20.2023.83.14 Globalizacja i współzależność, red. Alicja Malewska, Mateusz Filary-Szczepanik https://journals.akademicka.pl/politeja/article/view/5211 Małgorzata Zachara-Szymańska Copyright (c) 2023 http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 2023-08-23 2023-08-23 20 2(83) 295 298 10.12797/Politeja.20.2023.83.15 Na drodze ku przełomowi. Cerkiew greckokatolicka w Polsce lat 80. XX w. https://journals.akademicka.pl/politeja/article/view/5197 <p><strong>TOWARDS A BREAKTHROUGH: GREEK CATHOLIC CHURCH IN POLAND IN THE 1980s</strong></p> <p>The 1980s brought certain policy changes towards the Greek Catholic Church in the communist-run People’s Republic of Poland. While the communist government never recognized this community (this occurred only after the free elections in June 1989) de jure, during the 1980s, the activities of the Greek Catholic clergy began to be tolerated to some degree. This lenient treatment also included some tolerance for the activities of the laity and official contacts with representatives of the hierarchy in exile. Furthermore, the last decade of Polish communist rule in Poland brought substantial changes among the Greek Catholics,or, more broadly, within the Ukrainian minority in Poland. During this time, a new generation of lay activists and young clergymen became active. In addition, Ukrainians in Poland expanded their relations with the Polish majority, including contacts with the democratic anti-communist opposition, among others. As a result, Ukrainian themes appeared in the so called second circuit (samizdat) publications distributed in Poland. These changes coincided with other phenomena and events of the decade, such as the creation of an active Greek Catholic laity or the celebration of the Millennium of the Baptism of Kyivan Rus’ in 1988. All of these changes resulted in strengthening the Greek Catholic Church in Poland, which was swiftly reborn as an independent community after the fall of communism.</p> Igor Hałagida Copyright (c) 2023 http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 2023-08-23 2023-08-23 20 2(83) 5 41 10.12797/Politeja.20.2023.83.01 From Catacombs to Freedom: Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church in Face of Socio-political Changes in Central and Eastern Europe (late 1980s – early 1990s) https://journals.akademicka.pl/politeja/article/view/5198 <p>The paper analyzes the details of the movement for legalizing the Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church (UGCC) in the late 1980s and early 1990s, which acquired a special momentum in face of socio-political changes in the USSR and the other countries of Central and Eastern Europe. The UGCC, which was officially liquidated by the Soviet government in 1946, managed to form underground structures and continue pastoral activities. In the 1980s, the human rights organization Committee for the Protection of the Ukrainian Catholic Church (UCC) was formed and began to actively seek the official legalization of the UGCC. Western politicians and the Ukrainian diaspora became important factors influencing Soviet power. A combination of various factors, both internal and external, at the end of 1989 resulted in the authorities being forced to recognize the right of Greek Catholics to legally register their communities. Thus, a long ‘catacomb’ period came to an end and the UGCC received an opportunity to develop.</p> Taras Bublyk Copyright (c) 2023 http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 2023-08-23 2023-08-23 20 2(83) 43 56 10.12797/Politeja.20.2023.83.02 Cerkiew greckokatolicka w dobie transformacji systemowej – dyskusja https://journals.akademicka.pl/politeja/article/view/5199 <p>No abstract is avaliable for this article.</p> Copyright (c) 2023 http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 2023-08-23 2023-08-23 20 2(83) 57 67 10.12797/Politeja.20.2023.83.03 Źródło idei ukraińskiego katolickiego uniwersytetu i dzieje jej realizacji w Ukrainie po 1991 r. https://journals.akademicka.pl/politeja/article/view/5200 <p><strong>THE IDEA OF A UKRAINIAN CATHOLIC UNIVERSITY: ITS ORIGINS AND ITS IMPLEMENTATION IN UKRAINE AFTER 1991</strong></p> <p>The historical predecessors of the today’s Ukrainian Catholic University were the Greek-Catholic Theological Academy founded in 1928 in Lviv by Metropolitan Andrey Sheptytsky, and the Ukrainian Catholic University of St. Clemens the Pope in Rome, established by Metropolitan Josyf Slipyj in December 1963, after his release from the Soviet imprisonment. In 1994, the Lviv Theological Academy was restored in the independent Ukraine, and in 2002 it was transformed into a university. The very name of the institution reflects the three consecutive stages of its history. As first, during the interwar period, when Western Ukraine was within the borders of Poland, the principal task was to provide Ukrainian youth with a possibility to pursue higher studies in their native language. During the Soviet period, when the Greek-Catholic Church in Ukraine was banned and persecuted, the top priority was to maintain links with the Catholic world. Nowadays, in the independent Ukraine, the UCU seeks to become a new type of university offering an alternative to the post-Soviet educational approach and forming leaders to serve with professional excellence in Ukraine and internationally – for the glory of God, the common good, and the dignity of the human person.</p> Oleh Turij Alicja Nowak Copyright (c) 2023 http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 2023-08-23 2023-08-23 20 2(83) 69 88 10.12797/Politeja.20.2023.83.04 Religion in the Process of Nation-Building in Ukraine: Case Study on the UGCC and Military Chaplaincy https://journals.akademicka.pl/politeja/article/view/5201 <p>Priests of various faiths have tried to accompany Ukrainian soldiers as military chaplains since the very beginning of the fighting in eastern Ukraine. Finally, the Ukrainian parliament regularized the status of the military chaplaincy adopting a relevant law. Analyzing the process of shaping the chaplaincy allows us to better understand the place of religious communities and religion itself in the social life of post-Soviet Ukraine. It also allows for an examination of the nation-building process from a different and very interesting perspective. The article consists of three parts. The first one briefly presents the process of institutionalizing the military service of priests in Ukraine. In the next part, the significance of the Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church’s (UGCC) special activity in the field of military chaplaincy is demonstrated. The third part attempts to explain the reasons why the UGCC, despite a number of objective limitations, plays the leading role in the sphere of chaplaincy in Ukraine.</p> Michał Wawrzonek Tomasz Szyszlak Copyright (c) 2023 http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 2023-08-23 2023-08-23 20 2(83) 89 117 10.12797/Politeja.20.2023.83.05 Status języka rosyjskiego na obszarze poradzieckim https://journals.akademicka.pl/politeja/article/view/5202 <p><strong>THE RUSSIAN LANGUAGE STATUS IN POST-SOVIET SPACE: LEGAL STATE – THREATS – PROSPECTS – CHALLENGES<br /><br /></strong>For many years of the existence of the Soviet Union, the status of the Russian language was semi-official, although it played a large role in the public space. Only the act on the Languages of the Nations of the USSR of 1990 approved its status as an official language in the entire territory of the USSR. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, its former republics began to shape their own language policies, guided by national interests, considering the current linguistic situation and historical conditions. The effect of these activities was the diversified status of the Russian language (as state, official, inter-ethnic communication, national minority or foreign). The main purpose of the article is to present the differences in the status of the Russian language in the post-Soviet countries, primarily in the formal and legal aspect. An additional question was whether the legal status of the Russian language reflected its actual position in public and social life in the individual countries. The problem continues to be relevant, especially in the context of the foreign policy goals pursued by the Russian Federation and security threats.<strong><br /></strong></p> Antonina Kozyrska Copyright (c) 2023 http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 2023-08-23 2023-08-23 20 2(83) 119 147 10.12797/Politeja.20.2023.83.06 Gospodarka – polityka – społeczeństwo https://journals.akademicka.pl/politeja/article/view/5203 <p><strong>ECONOMICS – POLITICS – SOCIETY: SYSTEMIC TRANSFORMATION SINCE THE OPENING TILL THE CLOSURE OF THE BORDERS – RUSSIA AFTER 1991</strong></p> <p>The article presents the breakthrough moments of the transformation of Russia as a dynamic system of interconnected elements and phenomena from the area of politics, economy and social life. The research period covered the years 1991-2021. The theoretical and methodological framework was provided by Marian Mazur’s systemic approach. It allowed to assess the system through the prism of the functionality of its main modules and the deliberate impact on the environment. As a result, a model of the system was provided. It allows to recognize, order, and predict the processes within the system. The final conclusions are the following: Since 1991, Russia, included in the system treated as the interaction of three functional modules: power, management, and information, has gone through a path that has led its inhabitants back to the Soviet-era scheme. The above-mentioned modules, functioning in democratic countries independently, in the case of Russia merged into one – previously managed. The latter took over the functions of the others, becoming the source of all information. On the one hand, it acts as a centrifugal force, generating the binding perspective of reality, and on the other hand, it has a centripetal character, attracting all resources to maintain its status quo.</p> Małgorzata Abassy Katarzyna Kosowska Copyright (c) 2023 http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 2023-08-23 2023-08-23 20 2(83) 149 172 10.12797/Politeja.20.2023.83.07 Oligarchia w życiu politycznym i gospodarczym wybranych państw postsowieckich. Perspektywa porównawcza https://journals.akademicka.pl/politeja/article/view/5204 <p><strong>OLIGARCHY IN THE POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC LIFE OF SELECTED POST-SOVIET STATES: COMPARATIVE PERSPECTIVE</strong></p> <p>The oligarchization of economic and political life in the countries created after the collapse of the USSR is one of the main factors determining the forms and dynamics of the transformation of post-Soviet countries. Over the past thirty years, oligarchs in the post-Soviet area have actively participated in the distribution of state property and more. Thanks to the acquired capital resources, they directly or indirectly shape the policy of the countries created on the ruins of the USSR. They participate in the political process as owners of enterprises, sponsors, leaders of political forces, often occupy official state positions, influence legal and institutional solutions, and are a system-creating factor. Significantly, they often become victims of political and economic rivalry in the countries of the former USSR. Analysing the influence of the oligarchy on the internal policy of selected postSoviet countries, the problem of a specific ‘duality of leadership’ emerges which leads not only to mutual penetration and interdependence but also to a clash between the political and economic spheres. In the individual countries of the former USSR, this clash takes different forms and produces different results.</p> Rafał Kęsek Copyright (c) 2023 http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 2023-08-23 2023-08-23 20 2(83) 173 187 10.12797/Politeja.20.2023.83.08 Zmieniająca się rzeczywistość migrantów ukraińskich w Polsce (1991-2021) https://journals.akademicka.pl/politeja/article/view/5205 <p><strong>ZMIENIAJĄCA SIĘ RZECZYWISTOŚĆ MIGRANTÓW UKRAIŃSKICH W POLSCE (1991-2021)</strong></p> <p>According to the 2019 survey of migrants from Ukraine to Poland, the causes and prospects of their migration in categories of ‘ejection’ from the donor country and ‘attraction’ to the recipient country are analyzed. It was found that the reasons for relocation do not correlate with the respondents’ assessment of the prospects they had opened in Poland. We assume that this is a consequence of the reactive nature of migration decisions related to the survival values over the values of self-realization.</p> Oksana Mikheieva Viktor Susak Copyright (c) 2023 http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 2023-08-23 2023-08-23 20 2(83) 189 207 10.12797/Politeja.20.2023.83.09