Politeja is published by the Faculty of International and Political Studies of the Jagiellonian University, where a circle has formed of academics perfectly qualified for undertaking such reflection. It seems that it is in this particular unit of the Jagiellonian University that such reflection finds a forum perfectly equipped for an in-depth and solid analysis of phenomena of present-day relevance, both cultural and political, given that it has combined units existing for a long time with newly established ones, albeit in both cases comprising experienced researchers capable of looking at the same phenomena from various vantage points.
Miasta i ich obszary funkcjonalne w perspektywie badań politologicznych
CITIES AND THEIR FUNCTIONAL AREAS FROM THE PERSPECTIVE OF POLITICAL SCIENCE RESEARCH Urban studies within political science offer a lot in terms of enhancing understanding of the social and political processes taking place at every level of the local government. The author’s particular area of interest is the contribution of political studies to research on the functional areas of regional capital cities. Based on an analysis of contemporary city management concepts, the author points to compelling issues in the study of modern cities and their functional areas. At the same time, the author advocates for methodological pluralism, arguing that interdisciplinarity enables a better diagnosis of the specific nature of cities and their role in a changing world.
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The Microstate As an Object of Political Science Research
Research on microstates in political and administrative sciences and international relations is certainly not popular. Nonetheless, it is worth undertaking such research by focusing on the challenges of their participation in integration processes (especially in economic terms) or issues related to migration (including climate issues). When studying this group of states, appropriate research methods should be used, not always the same as for larger states. Undoubtedly, they are specific actors in international relations, characterised by a small territory, a small population, specific relations with their neighbours, and late participation in international organisations. At present, there are also no grounds to question their sovereignty. Taking into account two factors (size of territory and population), there are twelve microstates in the world.
Koncepcja społeczeństwa postmigracyjnego Naiki Foroutan i perspektywa jej zastosowanie w badaniach nad migracjami w Polsce
NAIKA FOROUTAN’S CONCEPT OF POST-MIGRATION SOCIETY AND ITS APPLICATION IN MIGRATION RESEARCH IN POLAND The article presents the concept of a post-migration society, formulated by the German sociologist and political scientist Naika Foroutan in the context of the current German migration policy. It is an attempt to answer the question whether there is room to apply this concept in research on the phenomenon of migration in Poland. The basic research method used is the critical analysis of Naika Foroutan’s texts.
Overtourism jako kategoria politologiczna i jej zastosowanie w badaniach nad ruchem antyturystycznym w Barcelonie
OVERTOURISM AS A CATEGORY OF POLITICAL SCIENCE AND ITS APPLICATION FOR RESEARCH ON THE ANTI-TOURISM MOVEMENT IN BARCELONA This article aims to define the category of overtourism, primarily used by geographers and specialists in the field of tourism. In the Polish classification of scientific disciplines, the term was listed in socio-economic geography and spatial management. However, this category can also be applied in the field of political and administrative sciences. This article identifies potential political science areas in which the category of overtourism can be used. The structure of the article is divided into three parts: 1. Definitions of overtourism, 2. Overtourism and selected conceptual categories used in political and administrative sciences, 3. Anti-tourism protests in Barcelona in 2017 – case study. The starting point of the article is the definition of overtourism, which assumes that in certain situations the impact of tourism may exceed, among others, political capacity thresholds. The summary states that the category of overtourism can be included in research on political parties, political sociology, social movements, protest movements, or anti-tourism movements, local government and local politics, and international relations.
Badania nad aktywnością polityczną afroamerykańskich Kościołów w kontekście rozwoju politologii religii
RESEARCH ON BLACK CHURCHES’ POLITICAL ACTIVISM IN THE CONTEXT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE OF RELIGION The aim of this article is to analyze the evolution of research on Black churches’ political activism, focusing especially on political scientists’ contributions. The author also investigates how the emergence of the new sub-discipline, known as the political science of religion or politology of religion, influenced the development of political studies on Black churches.
Area of Freedom, Security and Justice in Confrontation With Legal Populism: The Polish Example of Judiciary Crisis
Ensuring an Area of Freedom, Security, and Justice for EU citizens is one of the most important goals of the European Union. Achieving this goal constitutes a significant challenge, as according to the TFEU (Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union), it must be carried out with respect for the diverse legal systems and traditions of the Member States. Tensions arise between what is commonly recognised and what is defined by the individual systems and traditions of each country. Against this backdrop, populist tendencies come to the fore. This study addresses the issue of legal populism, which negatively affects the functioning of the justice systems in EU Member States. The example analysed is the judicial crisis in Poland.
Conspiracy Narratives About the COVID-19 Pandemic and the Origins of the SARS-CoV-2 Virus: A Contribution to Polish-Czech Comparative Research
This article presents the results of a comparative research study on belief in COVID-19-related conspiracy theories among social science students in Poland and the Czech Republic. The study investigates the relationship between susceptibility to disinformation and factors such as religiosity, trust in science, and the evaluation of institutional responses to the pandemic. Using a quantitative approach (CAPI survey), the authors identify notable differences between the two national groups, with Polish students showing a greater inclination toward conspiracy narratives. The article also explores correlations between such beliefs and negative assessments of the EU’s actions. The findings highlight the role of cultural context and psychological predispositions in shaping attitudes toward health-related misinformation, underlining the need for further research into the social and political consequences of the infodemic. The study contributes to political science by linking disinformation susceptibility with systemic trust and civic attitudes in Central Europe.
Kryzys polityki wielokulturowości. Pomiędzy ideą różnorodności i powrotem do doktryn ekskluzywizmu
THE CRISIS OF MULTICULTURAL POLICY: BETWEEN THE IDEA OF DIVERSITY AND THE RETURN TO THE DOCTRINES OF EXCLUSIVISM This article is a trial to analysis the changes of tendencies of multicultural politic in democratic states of western’s civilization. This tendencies leads to the crisis main models of cultural pluralism, increasing migration’s restriction, protection the traditional values of hegemonic groups and growth the national exclusivism.
Polish ‘Creeping Coup d’État’: (Conspiracy) Tropes as Research Problem of Political Discourse Analysis
The article is divided into two parts: the first examines discourse analysis as a research method, while the second focuses on the study of Polish political culture. Initially, the article discusses the potential of discourse analysis for political science and related social sciences. The distinction between actor, problem and structure-oriented political discourse analysis is introduced. Special attention is paid to exploring the utility of the poorly researched structure-oriented discourse analysis and the concept of tropes in public discourse. In this context, a case study of the conspiratorial motive of a creeping coup d’état in Polish political discourse is conducted. In conclusion, the article states that the trope has constituted a significant element of Polish political culture over the last two decades, as conspiracy narratives have become institutionalised in mainstream politics as a byproduct of culture wars and deep polarisation. Therefore, it is claimed that a study of tropes, not only those related to conspiracy narratives, offers a promising perspective for understanding political cultures.
Nation Focused Political Change as a Challenge for Education
In recent years we haved observed the meaningful rise of a new nationalism around the world. This neo-nationalistic trend has a significant impact on education. The aim of the article is to indicate the areas of knowledge that should be included in teacher education programs in order to broaden teachers’ competences in the field of understanding the relationship between education and politics, visible in the directions of reforming education and creating a collective, national identity, which determine in-group and intergroup relations. In this article I refer to empirical research concerning the attitude towards democracy and the nation as well as some theories explaining the phenomenon of autocracy and nationalism, among others: Integrated Threat Theory, Social Dominance Theory and The Dual Process Motivational Model, and the Cumulative, Structural Model of National Attitudes. Taking into account the recent changes in education. especially in school curricula and textbooks, for example in Hungary and Poland, I will pay attention to changes among the universal aims of education: human values, relationships, individual and collective identity, meaningful benchmark groups and sources of social bonds.
„Kultura” w programie Kreatywna Europa 2014-2020. Implikacje dla pogłębionej integracji europejskiej
„CULTURE” IN THE CREATIVE EUROPE 2014-2020 PROGRAMME: IMPLICATIONS FOR DEEPER EUROPEAN INTEGRATION The article aims to review and summarize the effectiveness of the “Creative Europe 2014-2020” EU framework program in culture, which is the sole instrument supporting the cultural/creative sector and audiovisual area across the Union. The program offers grants and loans, with over 40 countries participating to date. The author analyses financial and statistical data for the Culture component for several selected countries, including Poland, highlighting key findings and implications of the program. A detailed analysis of artistic and literary projects revealed trends and areas of dominant support, leading to the following conclusions: 1) While the funding remains at a relatively low level, the EU is a significant partner for the cultural/creative sector’s development in the Member States; 2) Western European countries participate more in the EU funding and loans system than Central and Eastern ones; 3) EU funds enhance partnerships and inter-institutional cooperation, especially within well established and prestigious consortia; 4) There is a growing interest in the program from metropolitan art institutions and European publishers; 5) Future EU financial support will most likely focus on the performing arts and various forms of European music. The author’s analysis is conducted in the context of the functional and neo-functional theories of European integration, based on the role of culture in deepening integration and the methodology of political science.
Signum temporis? Rosyjsko-ukraiński spór językowy w kontekście europejskich transformacji tożsamościowych
SIGNUM TEMPORIS? THE RUSSIAN-UKRAINIAN LANGUAGE DISPUTE IN THE CONTEXT OF EUROPEAN IDENTITY TRANSFORMATIONS The article explores the idea that late modernity is partly characterised by linguistic conflicts, arising from clashes between complex communication and value-based structures. They reflect differing attitudes toward the modern era, resulting in various strategies for transcending it. Moreover, linguistic collisions are compared to religious ones, greatly impacting Europe’s modern self-recognition during the Reformation and Counter-Reformation periods. In this context: 1. Heinz Schilling’s overview of 16th- and 17th-century religious and confessional conflicts is employed as a model for in-depth understanding of multidimensional identity confrontations; 2. the Russian-Ukrainian war is portrayed as a result of complex linguistic dissent, representing vital identity polarization of our time; 3. it is argued that today’s evolution of communication and value-based structures amplifies the discord among postmodern identities (e.g., European identity founded on the principle of unification in diversity vs. Russian identity founded on the principle of unification through domination).
Koncepcja polikryzysu w naukach o polityce
THE CONCEPT OF POLYCRISIS IN POLITICAL SCIENCE The term “polycrisis” has appeared in various contexts over the past decades, but recently it has made a breakthrough into both journalistic and scientific language. The popularity of this term seems to come primarily from its concise and intuitive description of the realities the world has been facing in recent years— overlapping and mutually reinforcing crises of various natures (economic, political, ecological, etc.). This article aims to consider the implications of using the concept of polycrisis in political science, and to answer the question of whether it brings a new quality to political science research. The article will deconstruct the concept itself and indicate its connections with existing theories, such as systemic risk and complexity theory. It will also identify research areas where polycrises have the potential to provide deeper explanations or improved predictions of current phenomena.
Praktyki dyskursywne a proces konstruowania rzeczywistości politycznej. W poszukiwaniu możliwości dialektycznego objaśniania
DISCURSIVE PRACTICES AND THE PROCESS OF CONSTRUCTING POLITICAL REALITY. IN SEARCH OF THE POSSIBILITY OF DIALECTICAL EXPLANATION The article’s starting point is the anti-naturalist assumption that the social world is socially constructed. The conceptualisation of the social reality’s susceptibility to change through the discourse assumes that 1) texts/statements are part of a dialectical process in which a kind of “materialization” of meanings takes place, while 2) contextual factors condition ways of perceiving reality. The analysis aims to trace the possibilities and limitations of scientific cognition within such an outlined research field.
Nowe trendy w badaniach ilościowych nad chińskimi elitami politycznymi
NEW TRENDS IN QUANTITATIVE STUDIES OF CHINESE POLITICAL ELITES Quantitative studies of Chinese political elites have been a research field that has provided key insights into the functioning of China’s authoritarian power system for decades. This article examines the evolution of research methods, from early demographic and factional analyses to the application of advanced statistical techniques, such as network analysis and machine learning. Special attention is given to the diversification of research populations, encompassing elites at both central and local levels, as well as the introduction of new indicators, such as interregional mobility, the structure of personal connections, and political loyalty metrics. The article demonstrates how evolving research tools have captured more complex mechanisms of cadre selection and power dynamics, particularly in the context of centralized personnel decisions during Xi Jinping’s era. Contemporary research approaches enhance the precision of forecasting promotions within the CCP structures and highlight the critical role of political loyalty and factional affiliation in recruitment processes. The findings underscore the significant impact of new analytical technologies on the study of political elites in authoritarian systems, offering broad opportunities for further exploration.
Polacy czy obywatele? Lud w programach polskich partii politycznych (2001-2023)
POLES OR CITIZENS? „PEOPLE” IN POLISH POLITICAL PARTIES’ MANIFESTOS (2001-2023) This article examines the extent to which Polish political parties refer to “the people” in their manifestos. The analysis categorizes references to “the people” into six types: geographical (Poles, nation), legal (citizens), political (voters), economic (working people), moral (those who share similar values, religions, or worldviews), and general (people, everyone). It then determines what proportion of each party’s manifesto consists of such references. This study proposes a novel quantitative approach to the analysis of “the people” in party programs, aiming to identify whether systematic patterns or correlations exist. The analysis also identifies patterns such as emphasizing the people’s virtues, portraying them as a homogeneous group, or calling for their sovereignty – features that may indicate a party’s populist orientation. The research addresses which groups parties refer to and to what extent these references vary depending on time, parliamentary status (government vs. opposition), systemic presence (parliamentary vs. non-parliamentary), economic orientation, and position on the GAL-TAN axis.
ARE NEW PARTIES REALLY NEW? POLISH POLITICAL PARTIES IN LIGHT OF THE EXPERT SURVEYS RESEARCH The question of party novelty is of great interest to researchers, but there is also much controversy about what constitutes a new party. Is it only a party that competes based on new ideological and program objectives, or any party that participates in elections for the first time, or perhaps only a party created from scratch or founded by people who have never participated in politics before? What about groupings formed by splits or mergers of other political groups? Parties that are considered new may show continuity with their predecessors in terms of party cadres, electoral programes, policies implemented, or organisational structures. The purpose of this article is to determine which, if any, of the relevant parties participating in the next general election should be considered new, and which are a continuation of one or more pre-existing parties. There exists an expectation that parties representing the post-communist and post-Solidarity roots will show continuity with pre-existing ones, while parties formed outside these options will have the character of genuinely new parties. The above hypotheses are verified based on the empirical research – analysis of the expert survey conducted in 2022. The article points out that the party participating in the election that is not a continuation of a specific predecessor is not necessarily new, as it can be a continuation of several parties that participated in the previous election. For such a party the term ‘amalgamation’ has been coined.
Głosowanie online w Polsce? Wnioski z estońskiego doświadczenia i perspektywy implementacji innowacji wyborczych
ONLINE VOTING IN POLAND? CONCLUSIONS FROM ESTONIAN EXPERIENCE AND PERSPECTIVES FOR IMPLEMENTING ELECTORAL INNOVATIONS This article examines the feasibility of implementing remote online voting in Poland, with particular reference to Estonia’s experience as a global leader in this area. The analysis identifies the technological, legal, and social conditions necessary for introducing e-voting, highlighting both the benefits and risks of this innovation. The paper also discusses legislative proposals introduced after the 2023 elections, including the use of electronic banking systems and the mObywatel application for voter identification. The study emphasizes the importance of social trust, system security, and the need for broad public debate. Estonia’s example shows that the success of e-voting depends not only on appropriate technology and legal regulation but also on a long-term strategy of digitalization of public services and building citizens’ trust in public institutions.
Nowe technologie i kryzys demokracji liberalnej w perspektywie teorii aktora-sieci
NEW TECHNOLOGIES AND THE CRISIS OF LIBERAL DEMOCRACY FROM THE PERSPECTIVE OF ACTOR-NETWORK THEORY There are two different perspectives in political science regarding the assessment of the impact of technology. On democracy: on the one hand, it is seen as a potential enhancement of pro-democratic processes, while on the other, it is identified as a destructive factor. Regardless of the approach adopted in the analysis of this phenomenon it is necessary to take into account changes in the sphere of social and political communication. The article synthesises interpretations of the democratic backsliding’s origins, considering problems such as disinformation, polarisation of public debate, and changes in the content of politics by digital technologies. At the same time, the use of actor-network theory (ANT) is indicated as a research tool to analyse the crisis, with an emphasis on the dynamic interactions between human and non-human political actors. The article seeks to identify new forms of political subjectivity, to understand the mechanisms of power in the digital age. Moreover, it aims to show how actor-network theory can contribute to a better understanding of the processes of the democratic systems’ (in)adaptation in the face of contemporary technological challenges.
Znaczenie i rola unijnego rynku handlu uprawnieniami do emisji (EU ETS) w dążeniu UE do neutralności klimatycznej
THE IMPORTANCE AND ROLE OF THE EU EMISSIONS TRADING MARKET (EU ETS) IN THE EU’S PURSUIT OF CLIMATE NEUTRALITY The most important contemporary global challenges include reducing greenhouse gas emissions, which significantly contribute to deepening climate change. In economic analysis, the effects of pollutant emissions are defined as negative externalities that reduce the level of social welfare. The solution that is used in environmental protection policies in various countries, to internalize external costs related to greenhouse gas emissions, is the carbon dioxide emission allowance market. Trading in tradable emission allowances helps to achieve optimal emission levels in a given area. The EU Emissions Trading Scheme, which has been operating in the EU since 2005, is the basis for the world’s largest carbon market to date. This article aims to present the importance and role of the European Emissions Trading System (EU ETS) in the EU’s pursuit of achieving the goal of climate neutrality by 2050. It also examines the current effectiveness of the EU ETS system as a tool to reduce pollutant emissions.
Decision Analysis In Political Science: The Problem With The Uncertainty Principle
Decision analysis is considered to be one of the most important research methods in political science. The problem, however, is to determine to what extent such analysis can be reliable. The application of classical decision theory, referring to statistical research and probability theory, to the assessment of the political decision-making process is usually inadequate. This results, among other things, from the inability to obtain reliable knowledge about the initial state of the decision and the state of nature, differences in the perspectives of the assessing entities, differences in short- and long-term priorities, and above all, the impossibility of achieving several goals at the same time due to their mutual exclusion. These difficulties are generalized by the ‘uncertainty principle,’ analogous to the Heisenberg equation: the more certain priorities are realized, the less it is possible to realize others. Similarly, the use of some paths of justification excludes others in the real decision-making process. What can serve as a useful procedure, however, is the ‘expansion of time horizons,’ i.e. the gradual distancing of the time perspective of benefits.
The paper discusses anti-immigrant rhetoric in three countries: the United Kingdom, Ireland and Sweden, covering the period of 2020 – 2024. Based on an in-depth analysis of the statements issued by leading politicians of the countries and civic expressions in the form of protests and demonstrations, some common traits can be identified as leading motives in the public populistic discourse. The three shades of populism have, however, their distinctions stemming from cultural, political and economic specifics of the countries. Deconstructing of the internal pattern of the populistic discourse may help liberal democracies respond effectively to the challenges posed by simplistic and thus often misleading rhetoric.
Polska i Grecja wobec problemu migracji w latach 2015-2023
POLISH AND GREEK APPROACHES TO THE PROBLEM OF MIGRATION IN 2015-2023 The aim of the article is a compare of the approaches of the Polish government and the Greek government to the problem of migration. The starting point of the analysis is 2015, which is the year that marked the apogee of the last migration crisis in Europe. The final point is 2023 – the end of the rule of Law and Justice party in Poland. Because the Polish government was surprised by the artificially caused crisis on the Polish-Belarusian border, it was forced to take ad hoc actions aimed at controlling it. However, as time passed, it became clear that migration pressure would be constantly exerted on Poland by the hostile regimes of Alexander Lukashenko and Vladimir Putin. Therefore, it is necessary to develop a migration strategy that would enable the successful integration of refugees/migrants into the Polish society, provided that they decide to connect their lives with our country. When building the above-mentioned strategy, the idea of using the experience of countries that have been struggling with the problem of migration for a long time comes to mind. One such country is Greece. Greek political scientists, sociologists, lawyers, historians and doctors have diagnosed the main obstacles to the effective integration of migrants/refugees. The question remains to what extent the Polish authorities will be willing to use these experiences.
migrant crises on Polish-Belarusian border
Polish authorities’ approach to migration
Perspektywy reformy Wspólnej Polityki Bezpieczeństwa i Obrony Unii Europejskiej do 2025 roku. Autonomia strategiczna UE?
PROSPECTS FOR REFORM OF THE EUROPEAN UNION’S COMMON SECURITY AND DEFENCE POLICY TO 2025: EU STRATEGIC AUTONOMY? The research objective of the paper is to highlight the prospects for the implementation of the main directions of the reform of the Common Security and Defense Policy (CSDP) of the European Union until 2025. The caesuras of the work are marked by two events: the adoption of the Global Strategy for the Foreign and Security Policy of the European Union by the European Council on 28 June 2016 and the decision of the European Council of 24 March 2022 on the adoption of the Strategic Compass for Security and Defense. First of all, the research hypothesis should be established that the full implementation of CSDP reform, which was initiated with the adoption of the Global Strategy for the Foreign and Security Policy of the European Union, and the resulting projects can significantly strengthen the position of the EU in the international arena. This will lead to the establishment of the European Security and Defense Union and the EU Rapid Reaction Force (5,000 troops) by the end of 2025. However, since many of the planned reform elements have not yet been completed or initiated, much will depend on the political will of individual member state governments, the level of spending on reform implementation by member states and the EU, and the progress of other reforms already underway (including addressing the economic and social consequences of the pandemic crisis and implementing eurozone systemic reform). The following research questions should then be asked: (1) How has the implementation process of the Global Strategy for the European Union’s Foreign and Security Policy gone so far? (2) How has the implementation of new projects (including the European Defense Fund, PESCO, and the Strategic Compass) affected EU-NATO relations? (3) How do selected EU member states assess these projects? (4) To what extent can the project to establish a European Security Council with the participation of Germany, the Netherlands, the United Kingdom and Poland compete with and usefully complement the EU Strategic Compass project? The first part of the analysis presents the implementation process of the Global Strategy for the Foreign and Security Policy of the European Union until 2022. The second part analyzes the goals, priorities, and assumptions of the Strategic Compass, the implementation of which is intended to lead the EU to strategic autonomy by 2030.
European Union’s Global Strategy on Foreign and Security Policy
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Między niepodległością a Unią Europejską
Between independence and European Union. Paradoxes of the Scottish National Party’s attitude towards Brexit The purpose of this article is to explain the attitude of the Scottish National Party (SNP) towards European integration, based on a study of its activity in two campaigns – before the independence referendum in Scotland in 2014 and the referendum on continued membership of the United Kingdom in the European Union (EU) in 2016. Reciprocal links between the two events are perceptible even to a passing observer of the British Isle’s political life. The question of the EU membership was one of the most important topics in the independence referendum’s campaign, and the result of the European referendum has been widely interpreted in the context of the second independence referendum. By analyzing and comparing the referendum’s campaigns in the 2014 and 2016 and the period immediately after the announcement of the results of a European referendum, it can be seen that SNP presented the pro‑European stance in each of them, but using different sets of arguments. The concept of paradox, used in paper’s title, is a summary of a number of observations regarding the SNP’s complex relationship with the project of European integration. Although the aim of the party is to regain independence, the limitations of sovereignty, which according to many are associated with membership in the EU, do not raise critical assessment. The support for the European integration continues unabated despite the dominance of negative attitudes towards the Scottish independence movement among the European elites. Similarly, the party seems not to notice the level of euroscepticism among its electorate. And finally, what is the most interesting – on the one hand, the possibility of another independence referendum has not resulted in a change of the attitude towards Brexit, on the other hand in the same campaign it could be seen, that for SNP maintaining public support and a dominant position in relations with other parties in Scotland was more important that preventing Brexit.
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Stała współpraca strukturalna oraz wzmocniona współpraca w dynamice procesów integracji w sferze bezpieczeństwa i obrony UE
PERMANENT STRUCTURED COOPERATION AND ENHANCED COOPERATION IN THE DYNAMICS OF INTEGRATION PROCESSES IN THE EU’S SECURITY AND DEFENCE SPHERE The 20s of XXI century is a time of intensifying European integration in security and defence. The dilemmas related to this process stand out from others due to their complexity, diverse political narratives in the Member States and relations between governments and supranational institutions. Hence, the evolution of the Common Security and Defence Policy and its adaptation to contemporary challenges becomes the axis of the integration dynamics. The article analyses the diverse approaches in the integration process in the discussed sphere, and the discussion is initiated by the conditions of creation, principles of functioning and the role of enhanced cooperation and permanent structured cooperation (PESCO). Both mechanisms are used to increase the EU’s potential in areas that remain the competence of the Member States. The analysis will allow us to answer whether PESCO has proven to be a necessary complement in security and defence in strengthening cooperation, and why the enhanced cooperation mechanism was considered insufficient. It is also essential to demonstrate the relationship between PESCO and the European Defence Fund.
Libertariański Szatan? O ideach społeczno-politycznych w satanizmie amerykańskim
LIBERTARIAN SATAN? ON SOCIAL AND POLITICAL IDEAS IN AMERICAN SATANISM The aim of this paper is to investigate and put in context the Satanism of the Church of Satan (and, to a much lesser degree, The Satanic Temple). Culture in general and ideas in particular play an important role in shaping religions. As is demonstrated throughout the paper, American libertarian and individualist thought is an important context in reading Satanic texts. This paper employed a sophisticated textual analysis of both better-known Satanic books and lesser-known later texts to refute the claim that American Satanism is fascist. Moreover and more importantly, it is revealed that, in general, LaVeyan Satanism is right-libertarian (whereas the ideology of The Satanic Temple is left-libertarian).