Politeja https://journals.akademicka.pl/politeja <p><em>Politeja</em> is published by the Faculty of International and Political Studies of the Jagiellonian University, where a circle has formed of academics perfectly qualified for undertaking such reflection. It seems that it is in this particular unit of the Jagiellonian University that such reflection finds a forum perfectly equipped for an in-depth and solid analysis of phenomena of present-day relevance, both cultural and political, given that it has combined units existing for a long time with newly established ones, albeit in both cases comprising experienced researchers capable of looking at the same phenomena from various vantage points.</p> Księgarnia Akademicka Sp. z o.o. en-US Politeja 1733-6716 Front Matter https://journals.akademicka.pl/politeja/article/view/5717 Copyright (c) 2024 http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 2023-12-20 2023-12-20 20 6(87) European Heritage Label-based Education as an Essential Part of Memory Education – The Polish Case https://journals.akademicka.pl/politeja/article/view/5730 <p>The purpose of this article is to show how the EHL is used for the interpretation, awareness, and transmission of heritage and memory. As part of the EU European Heritage Label (EHL) program, Polish institutions received six distinctions in the years 2014-2019, which places Poland high in the ranking of the awarded Brands in Europe. Polish institutions are obligated to spreading knowledge about the cultural heritage of Europe. On the one hand, EHL’s task is to raise awareness and transmit common values, elements of European history, and heritage, which can be interpreted as promoting “uni memory.” On the other hand, EHL aims to deepen intercultural dialogue and synergy, recognizing the values of diversity, which can be understood as promoting the idea of plural memory. The EHL organizers in Poland are obliged (by the provisions of the EU Program) to conduct a European narrative, but in practice, they sometimes remain at the stage of restoring and refreshing the memory of the site, organizing local memory, and revising the regional policy due to “dormant memory” during the communist period.</p> Kinga Anna Gajda Bożena Gierat-Biedroń Copyright (c) 2024 http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 2023-12-20 2023-12-20 20 6(87) 289 306 10.12797/Politeja.20.2023.87.13 The Katyń Forest Massacre https://journals.akademicka.pl/politeja/article/view/5731 <p>This article explores the relationship between political expediency, perception management, and governmental goals. The subject matter forms the research question of “How a tool such as perception management can be used to politically expedite a government’s interests and goals?” It is understood that these ends can be achieved through the usage of perception management by constructing them from a given audience’s interests and values. The concept of perception management is introduced to the reader and illustrated by the example of the United States government’s knowledge of the Katyń Forest Massacre. This article is presented in two parts – the United States’ initial conclusion that the Nazi party was responsible for the massacre and its later reassignment of fault to the Soviet Union. The first instance which involved the reconstruction of truth, was used to politically advance the United States’ cooperation with the Soviet Union in fighting Hitler’s Germany. The second instance also involved the revelation of truth and was used to justify its fight against the North Korean communists. This article should effectively demonstrate how the practice of perception management has been used historically by the United States government to expediate its political goals. The instrumentalization of Katyń is important as it may inspire the reader to consider why certain events take hold of the media’s attention versus others, and how these events specifically may relate to domestic and international political issues.</p> Caroline Beshenich Copyright (c) 2024 http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 2023-12-20 2023-12-20 20 6(87) 307 331 10.12797/Politeja.20.2023.87.14 Szkoła i terytorium. Refleksje edukacyjne wynikające z uczestnictwa w szkole letniej ILS – Innovative Learning Spaces „Schools to be lived” https://journals.akademicka.pl/politeja/article/view/5732 <p><strong>SCHOOL AND TERRITORY: EDUCATIONAL REFLECTIONS ARISING FROM PARTICIPATION IN </strong><strong>THE ILS SUMMER SCHOOL – INNOVATIVE LEARNING SPACES „SCHOOLS TO BE LIVED”</strong></p> <p>The article contains considerations on the feedback relationship between the school as an educational institution and the local territory (city, town or village) in which the school operates, as well as the impact of the spatial organization of the school and its external environment on the educational process. The reflections are based on the results of the international and interdisciplinary summer school ILS – Innovative Learning Spaces “Schools to be lived,” which took place in the fall of 2022 in Pula, Sardinia, pilot surveys and interviews conducted among Polish teachers and primary school students, as well as the author’s many years of observations. The presence of local cultural, social and natural heritage in school curricula and the influence of the arrangement of school spaces may have a significant impact on the quality of education and its adequacy to the challenges of the 21st century. The article is a preview of the author’s more extensive research and strengthens the pedagogical discourse in the context of the European topic of the local territory as an educational space.</p> Elżbieta M. Mach Copyright (c) 2024 http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 2023-12-20 2023-12-20 20 6(87) 333 360 10.12797/Politeja.20.2023.87.15 The Genesis of the Maastricht Treaty and Its Importance for the European Integration and Security https://journals.akademicka.pl/politeja/article/view/5718 <p>The Treaty of Maastricht was signed thirty years ago, that is, on 7 February 1992, and after its ratification entered into force on 1 November 1993. It was a quantum leap into the European integration initiated after the Second World War. It constituted a basis for the creation of the European Union (EU), becoming an accelerator of the European integration and an important element of the transatlantic system of international security. Its origin and decisions rest in such contemporary events and processes as the “Autumn of Nations,” which resulted in the fall of communism in the states of Central and Eastern Europe, German reunification on 3 October 1990, the collapse of the Soviet Union in December 1991 and the global end of the Cold War. The article is aimed at analyzing the prerequisites of the genesis of the Treaty of Maastricht and showing its significance for the integration and security of Europe after the collapse of the Yalta-Potsdam order and the end of the Cold War. The main thesis statement is that the Treaty of Maastricht would not have been signed and the European Union would not have been established without the fall of communism in the states of Central and Eastern Europe, the collapse of the Soviet Union and German reunification. Moreover, I believe that international situation after the Cold War would have been less stable without the Treaty of Maastricht and the EU, because the competition for leadership between reunited Germany and France would have intensified.</p> Józef M. Fiszer Copyright (c) 2024 http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 2023-12-20 2023-12-20 20 6(87) 5 23 10.12797/Politeja.20.2023.87.01 Fiasko reformy polityki imigracyjnej, kontroli granic zewnętrznych oraz polityki azylowej Unii Europejskiej w latach 2015-2020 https://journals.akademicka.pl/politeja/article/view/5719 <p><strong>THE FAILURE OF THE REFORM OF THE EUROPEAN UNION’S IMMIGRATION POLICY, </strong><strong>EXTERNAL BORDER CONTROL, AND ASYLUM POLICY BETWEEN 2015 AND 2020: </strong><strong>A CRITICAL ANALYSIS</strong></p> <p>The primary research objective of the article is to evaluate the reform of the immigration, external border control and asylum policy of the European Union between 2015 and 2020. The author formulates two research hypotheses. The first is based on the assumption that the legislative packages presented by the European Commission in 2015-2016 and then in 2018 have almost completely failed. The second hypothesis is that the idea of establishing a permanent resettlement mechanism as a means to overcome the migration crisis in the Union in 2015-2016 and address the future migration challenges of the EU has generally failed. Instead, the EU’s temporary resettlement mechanisms in place between 2015 and 2017 and the 1:1 resettlement mechanism between the EU and Turkey introduced in 2016 have worked well. The author then formulates two research questions: firstly, why have the legislative acts of the European Commission largely failed?; and secondly, why has the temporary relocation of asylum seekers in the EU generally been successful?</p> Janusz Józef Węc Copyright (c) 2024 http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 2023-12-20 2023-12-20 20 6(87) 25 44 10.12797/Politeja.20.2023.87.02 Królestwo Niderlandów – trudne „przepraszam” za przeszłość kolonialną https://journals.akademicka.pl/politeja/article/view/5720 <p><strong>THE KINGDOM OF THE NETHERLANDS – DIFFICULT “I AM SORRY” FOR THE COLONIALPAST</strong></p> <p>On 19 December 2022, Mark Rutte, as the first Prime Minister of the Kingdom of the Netherlands, officially apologized for the harm suffered by the descendants of slaves brought to work in colonies in the Caribbean, Suriname, Asia and the European Netherlands. The Prime Minister announced state celebrations on the occasion of the 150th anniversary of the abolition of slavery in the Kingdom’s colonies on 1 July 2023. The slave trade brought great profits. After World War II, only Suriname and the Netherlands Antilles remained within the colonial empire of the Netherlands (New Dutch Guinea was a dependent territory until 1962). As a result of the political reforms of 2010, the Netherlands Antilles were dissolved. Currently, the Kingdom of the Netherlands consist of four autonomous countries and special (overseas) municipalities that are part of the European Netherlands. The decision to apologize for the Kingdom’s colonial past will not end deep-seated disputes. In 2021, a report was issued stating that slavery was a crime against the population and calling for the creation of a Kingdom fund for the families of people affected by slavery. Its adoption will have far-reaching effects on Dutch society.</p> Ryszard Żelichowski Copyright (c) 2024 http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 2023-12-20 2023-12-20 20 6(87) 45 68 10.12797/Politeja.20.2023.87.03 Propaganda und Manipulation in der Sprache Anhand der offiziellen Stellungnahmen des Russischen Aussenministeriums https://journals.akademicka.pl/politeja/article/view/5721 <p><strong>THE PROPAGANDA AND LINGUISTIC MANIPULATION IN THE LANGUAGE OF POLITICS ON THE BASIS OF THE OFFICIAL STATEMENTS OF THE RUSSIAN FOREIGN OFFICE ABOUT THE RUSSIAN INVASION OF UKRAINE (2022)</strong></p> <p>Persuasion, disinformation, manipulation, censorship, which are elements of propaganda, can be regarded as central terms of the language of politics, especially during conflict situations and wars. The question of interest is in what ways the specific language techniques are used by the Russian Foreign Affairs Department for the purposes of propaganda in the context of the 2022 Russian invasion of Ukraine. The paper analyzes the official statements of Maria Zakharova, the Director of the Information and Press Department of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation that are available on the web page of the Embassy of Russia in Berlin. The following examinations are confronted with the well-documented nature of the persuasive language in Nazi propaganda before and during World War II. The aim of such analysis is to examine in what ways and to what extent the specific propaganda techniques they are used to justify the war that Russia has started by invading Ukraine.</p> Piotr A. Owsiński Copyright (c) 2024 http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 2023-12-20 2023-12-20 20 6(87) 69 94 10.12797/Politeja.20.2023.87.04 Islamska Republika Iranu wobec Europy Środkowo‑Wschodniej na tle wojny w Ukrainie https://journals.akademicka.pl/politeja/article/view/5722 <p><strong>ISLAMIC REPUBLIC OF IRAN TOWARDS CENTRAL AND EASTERN EUROPE UPON THE BACKGROUND OF THE WAR IN UKRAINE</strong></p> <p>The article attempts to analyze the politics of the Islamic Republic of Iran towards the Central and Eastern Europe during the war conflict in Ukraine, 2022. The aim of the study is to describe the tactic and strategic approach of the IRI to the abovementioned problem in order to answer the question about the power shift in Central Asia. An additional aim is to show the image of the USA and NATO as created by the IRI, and to point to the role of Poland in the IRI’s tactical actions to sustain positive relations with Europe. The role of Russia, one of the most influential actors both in the European and in the Eurasian areas cannot be omitted.</p> Małgorzata Abassy Copyright (c) 2024 http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 2023-12-20 2023-12-20 20 6(87) 95 117 10.12797/Politeja.20.2023.87.05 Demographic Crisis in Japan against the Background of Attempts to Build Family-friendly Social Policy Tools https://journals.akademicka.pl/politeja/article/view/5723 <p>Albite Japan has been experiencing unfavourable demographic changes for socioeconomic development for at least half a century, it is only in recent years that we have noted measures there aimed at no longer preventing the demographic crisis itself, but at mitigating its effects. All available statistical data confirm the demographic trend observed in the country, characterised on the one hand by an increase in life expectancy (which in itself is inherently a positive trend), and on the other by a low fertility rate (which reflects negatively on both the sustainability of the social fabric and the development of the national economy). In other words, it eventually leads to an extremely rapid ageing process in Japanese society. This rapidness can be judged when we contrast Japan’s natural change rate of -2 in 2007 with an alarming-609 per thousand population in 2021.1 The purpose of the article is therefore, firstly, to identify the sources of the demographic crisis in Japan, and secondly, based on them, to carry out a comparative analysis of the case in question to determine factors which have a decisive influence on the problem and to detect whether their occurrence is characteristic only for the Land of the Cherry Blossoms. All this can be referred here to Japan’s current social policy and constitute answer the question of whether it is, or not, overdue in the context of the titular issue.</p> Jan W. Tkaczyński Joanna M. Guzik Maciej Pletnia Copyright (c) 2024 http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 2023-12-20 2023-12-20 20 6(87) 119 138 10.12797/Politeja.20.2023.87.06 Back Matter https://journals.akademicka.pl/politeja/article/view/5733 Copyright (c) 2024 http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 2023-12-20 2023-12-20 20 6(87) Model polityki zagranicznej Polski w XXI wieku w myśli politycznej głównych orientacji ideologiczno-programowych https://journals.akademicka.pl/politeja/article/view/5724 <p><strong>THE MODEL OF POLAND’S FOREIGN POLICY IN THE 21ST CENTURY IN THE POLITICAL THOUGHT OF MAIN IDEOLOGICAL AND PROGRAMMATIC ORIENTATIONS</strong></p> <p>The aim of the article was to show various ways of creating a model of Polish foreign policy in contemporary political thought situated in the context of the Polish raison d’état in the 21st century. The subjects of the research were the main ideological and political orientations: conservative, liberal, agrarian, social democratic, and nationalist with its derivatives, which had their external emanations in the form of political parties: Law and Justice, Civic Platform, Polish People’s Party, Democratic Left Alliance and New Left, as well as the League of Polish Families and the National Movement including related groups belonging to the ideological family. The structure of the article includes references to the model of foreign policy, taking into account: 1) the characteristics of specific currents of political thought, 2) the prospects of competition for power within the state; 3) shaping the course of Poland’s policy in external relations.</p> Ewa Maj Joanna Sanecka-Tyczyńska Krystyna Trembicka Tomasz Wicha Copyright (c) 2024 http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 2023-12-20 2023-12-20 20 6(87) 139 174 10.12797/Politeja.20.2023.87.07 Two Traditions of English Political Thought in the Political Thinking of the “Stańczycy” https://journals.akademicka.pl/politeja/article/view/5725 <p>One of the most interesting groups at the turn of the 20th century was Stańczycy, active in autonomous Galicia from the late 1860s. The name of the faction was inspired by Stańczyk, the sceptical jester of Sigismund the Old, the penultimate king of the powerful Jagiellonian dynasty. This conservative group published<em> Przegląd Polski</em> (The Polish Review), which expressed opinions that were close to the governing elite of the province. Until the end of the 1860s, they drew upon utilitarian or liberal ideas and supported reforms, and later related to the ideas of British conservative thought and the ideas of Burke, while arguing the attempts of the liberal majority to introduce norms that would diminish the rights of every minority, and against irredentism, which neutralised the politics of emotions by replacing it with a sense of duty guided by political reason.</p> Bogdan Szlachta Copyright (c) 2024 http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 2023-12-20 2023-12-20 20 6(87) 175 185 10.12797/Politeja.20.2023.87.08 Ekonomia polityczna a demokracja w pismach klasyków liberalizmu – John Stuart Mill i Herbert Spencer https://journals.akademicka.pl/politeja/article/view/5726 <p><strong>POLITICAL ECONOMY AND DEMOCRACY IN THE WRITINGS OF CLASSICAL LIBERALS – JOHN STUART MILL AND HERBERT SPENCER</strong></p> <p>The main aim of this paper is showing mainstream economic theory as an important factor shaping the evolution of political liberalism. The role of the economic theory in this process seems underestimated. The paper analyses the writings of two classical liberal thinkers – John Stuart Mill and Herbert Spencer, the former a pioneer of egalitarian liberalism, the latter of laissez-faire liberalism. Both Mill and Spencer were the followers of the classical political economy accepting the classical theory of distribution. Both saw the distribution of wealth as a spontaneous process, seeing no possibility correcting it for the people’s sake without disturbances or damages. According to the classical theory of wage fund, workers would get higher incomes only through accumulation of capital by owners and repressing their own fertility. Such statement was fundamentally opposite to all postulates of the workers’ movement. Workers always claimed bigger share in social income and legislation favoring laborers. The inevitable result of this contradiction was a conflict between liberal and democratic ideas. Mill and Spencer proposed two different solutions. J. S. Mill found a specific compromise and proposed enlarging franchise on working class, but with a still dominant position of the educated classes. Mill was against equal franchise for the working class because he did not conceive them as liable, rational and sober people. This position results from the wage fund doctrine; according to it, abundant workers’ fertility is wasteful for them and only sexual restraint (or chastity) would make their wages higher. Spencer in his early writing was an enthusiast of democracy, supposing the working class’ affinity to free market solutions. His later disappointment with democracy turned him into a strong critic of democratic parliamentarism from the standpoint of laissez-faire individualism. The case of these two liberal thinkers shows fundamental difficulty in reconciliation between the ideas of democracy and free market. We could choose democracy accepting welfare state or choose free market solution and become unambiguous critics of democracy. Spencer was a forerunner of all later ‘neoliberal’ critics of welfare state. Mill’s opinion was halfway between laissez-faire liberalism and modern egalitarian liberalism. Democracy and equal voting rights became acceptable by mainstream economist only when they had abandoned the wage fund doctrine and other constructs of the classical political economy. Thus changes in the economic theory had a significant impact on the evolution of political liberalism.</p> Dariusz Grzybek Copyright (c) 2024 http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 2023-12-20 2023-12-20 20 6(87) 187 218 10.12797/Politeja.20.2023.87.09 Dwa amerykańskie konserwatywne republikanizmy https://journals.akademicka.pl/politeja/article/view/5727 <p><strong>TWO AMERICAN CONSERVATIVE REPUBLICANISMS: THE INTELLECTUAL ORIGINS OF THE AMERICAN CONSERVATIVE RIGHT</strong></p> <p>During the founding period of the United States, the ideological foundations of American political discourse were formed. The constitutional debate and the first years of the young republic showed the fundamental differences between the Founding Fathers. Their different conceptions of the Union and its essence created different currents within American republicanism. In the article, the author analyzes two conservative republicanisms that arose in the North and South of the United States. In his opinion, the northern republicanism of Hamilton, Ames, Adams and Marshall, emphasizing the negative side of human nature, had to appeal to power, which alone can tame particularisms and unite the efforts of all in one direction. Southerners, on the other hand, took as the starting point of their argument the organic nature and primordiality of the basic social structures that determine the scope of power, primarily federal.</p> Tomasz Tulejski Copyright (c) 2024 http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 2023-12-20 2023-12-20 20 6(87) 219 242 10.12797/Politeja.20.2023.87.10 “Beware of Pity” https://journals.akademicka.pl/politeja/article/view/5728 <p>The title of this article alludes to the famous novel by Stefan Zweig <em>Ungeduld des Herzens</em> (translated into English as “Beware of Pity”). The novel illustrates the destructive role that pity plays in our private life, but, as will be argued in the article, the role of pity can be equally destructive in public life. The first part of the article has a conceptual character – the distinction is made therein between two types of pity: (1) as “the heart’s impatience (<em>Ungeduld des Herzens</em>)” to “rid itself as quickly as possible of the painful experience of being moved by another person’s suffering (Stefan Zweig, <em>Beware of Pity</em>, p. 19)”; and (2) as a mixture of contempt towards the sufferer and increased sense of one’s own power. What these two types of pity have in common is that they are self-regarding, that is, not having as its ultimate aim the well-being of the suffering person, and in fact preserving distance to the sufferer. This feature distinguishes them from compassion – a truly other-regarding fellow-feeling with the sufferer. The second part of the article, inspired by Zweig’s novel, will trace the negative consequences of pity in our private lives. The third part will strive, first, to reconstruct Hannah Arendt’s argumentation (presented in her book <em>On Revolution</em>) for her critical evaluation of pity as a political emotion, and secondly, to develop it in some new directions (<em>inter alia</em>, drawing on the above distinction between two types of pity, which is absent in Arendt’s analysis). Finally, it will be argued that even though in private life empathy (broadly understood) does not have to take the form of pity (it often assumes the laudable form of compassion), it is almost bound to take the form of pity in political life. If this claim is true, it means that one needs to treat with much caution the oft-made postulates of increasing the role of ‘empathy’ in public life.</p> Wojciech Załuski Copyright (c) 2024 http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 2023-12-20 2023-12-20 20 6(87) 243 257 10.12797/Politeja.20.2023.87.11 Bio/nekropolityka https://journals.akademicka.pl/politeja/article/view/5729 <p><strong>BIO/NECROPOLITICS: SPHINX</strong></p> <p>The article examines two sculptures, one by Krzysztof M. Bednarski (<em>Sphinx: To Great Builders from the Pharaohs to Joseph Stalin</em>, 1984), the other by Kara Walker (<em>A Subtlety, or the Marvelous Sugar Baby</em>, 2014). It investigates the impact of ancient Egypt on contemporary art, and shows how using forms from the past can bring awareness to issues relevant to our world today – such as social equality and racial justice, power over land and people. The body of sphinx and the body of sphinga serve as the metaphor of a battleground between the techniques of discipline and the practices of resistance. The conceptual framework used in the analysis borrows from the theories of bio- and necropolitics.</p> Patrycja Cembrzyńska Copyright (c) 2024 http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 2023-12-20 2023-12-20 20 6(87) 259 288 10.12797/Politeja.20.2023.87.12