Politeja https://journals.akademicka.pl/politeja <p><em>Politeja</em> is published by the Faculty of International and Political Studies of the Jagiellonian University, where a circle has formed of academics perfectly qualified for undertaking such reflection. It seems that it is in this particular unit of the Jagiellonian University that such reflection finds a forum perfectly equipped for an in-depth and solid analysis of phenomena of present-day relevance, both cultural and political, given that it has combined units existing for a long time with newly established ones, albeit in both cases comprising experienced researchers capable of looking at the same phenomena from various vantage points.</p> Księgarnia Akademicka Sp. z o.o. en-US Politeja 1733-6716 Understanding Contemporary Security: A Prolegomenon to the Interplay Between Technology, Innovation and Policy Responses https://journals.akademicka.pl/politeja/article/view/4776 <p>Contemporary security is shaped by a variety of factors which determine the changing dynamics of connections and interdependencies within and between social groups and political actors. The growing importance of technology and innovation for states and societies has been a critical factor in the infrastructural, organizational and decision-making dimensions. This article aims to integrate some aspects of contemporary security into current dynamics of technology and innovation as vehicles of rapid and substantial changes in security policies and actions. Designed as an essay based on qualitative method in social sciences, this paper raises theoretical and empirical questions concerning modernization and innovation as determinants of contemporary security structures and policies. The empirical dimension of technology, innovation and politics are presented in the microscale (local security), in the mesoscale (state security, national security, sectoral security) and in the macroscale (international security in regional and global dimensions), as well as from the cross-sectional (transversal) perspective.</p> Artur Gruszczak Mateusz Kolaszyński Copyright (c) 2022 http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 2022-12-21 2022-12-21 19 4 (79) 5 16 10.12797/Politeja.19.2022.79.01 The Use of Unmanned Aerial Vehicles in Contemporary Armed Conflicts – Selected Issues https://journals.akademicka.pl/politeja/article/view/4778 <p>Armed conflicts which have been taking place since the end of the Cold War are characterized by, inter alia, the increasing scale of the use of unmanned means and systems, especially unmanned aerial vehicles. Scientists dealing with the history of technology look for the beginning of unmanned aerial vehicles not only in the time of the Second World War, but even earlier, going back to the beginnings of aviation. Undoubtedly, however, the development of unmanned aerial vehicles took place during the Cold War and resulted directly from the experiences of armed clashes in Vietnam, the Middle East and analyses of the hypothetical course of a Third World War. The armed conflicts initiated by the Arab Spring in 2011 and Turkey’s participation in them, the fighting in NagornoKarabakh in 2020 and the conflict in Ukraine have once again demonstrated the growing role of unmanned aerial vehicles used for military purposes. It is worth taking a closer look at the role of unmanned aerial vehicles in the aforementioned armed conflicts and try to answer the question whether they are a miracle weapon like the Excalibur, or rather an element of a more complex system involving the ability to reconnaissance, precision strike and electronic warfare? This issue is all the more interesting as not only United States, Israel, Turkey, and China are producers of effective unmanned reconnaissance and strike systems. This type of modern weapon system is also manufactured in Poland. It has been positively tested in the conflicts in the Middle East, Ukraine and during the crisis on the border of Belarus and Poland in 2021.</p> Hubert Królikowski Copyright (c) 2022 http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 2022-12-21 2022-12-21 19 4 (79) 17 34 10.12797/Politeja.19.2022.79.02 Hypersonic Weapons – Selected Political and Strategic Issues https://journals.akademicka.pl/politeja/article/view/4779 <p>This article aims to shed some light on the impact of the emergence of hypersonic weapons on strategic and political realities. Firstly, it briefly describes the underlying laws of physics and technologies related to hypersonics. Secondly, it investigates the strategic and political consequences of developing the new weapons systems. The general assumption is that already fielded hypersonic weapons systems, and those that will enter service in the foreseeable future will not significantly change the global strategic balance. It is because, to a great extent, disadvantages offset the advantages the technology may provide. On the other hand, the political significance of developing hypersonic military technology is much higher, as it is a source of prestige, particularly important from the Chinese and Russian points of view.</p> Marek Czajkowski Copyright (c) 2022 http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 2022-12-21 2022-12-21 19 4 (79) 37 54 10.12797/Politeja.19.2022.79.03 Technological Innovation in Aviation Security: From Industries as Policy Entrepreneurs https://journals.akademicka.pl/politeja/article/view/4780 <p>Aviation is a highly technical sector, but conversely policy regarding the security of it has historically been reactive and driven by human factors. Governance of aviation security is regulated and controlled by national governments, yet policy is primarily developed by international organisations. This article is concerned with what impact technological innovation has had on aviation security with particular focus on the effect of the developments in the cyber-sphere on the policy process. It will consider how cyber innovations have changed the aviation security threat picture and thus the policy process. Technology has become a critical enabler of those looking to subvert aviation. Yet until 9/11, an exogeneous shock to the policy area, the changing threat picture only impacted the content of aviation security policy rather than the policy process or the roles of those involved. This article will argue the industry is acting as a driving force for this legislative agenda nowadays indicating a clear role reversal. To analyse the response to the rise of the cyber threat as a determinant of the contemporary aviation security policy process, this article will use John Kingdon’s concept of policy entrepreneurs. It will argue that the industry has acted as a policy entrepreneur driving legislation due to its technical expertise in response to cyber-attacks becoming the primary threat.</p> Briony Callander Christian Kaunert Copyright (c) 2022 http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 2022-12-21 2022-12-21 19 4 (79) 55 71 10.12797/Politeja.19.2022.79.04 Putting Comprehensive Defence to Work: What Can Poland Learn from the Baltic States? https://journals.akademicka.pl/politeja/article/view/4781 <p>The article analyses Estonian, Latvian, and Lithuanian developments in the implementation of comprehensive defense concepts. The analysis is intentionally limited to post-2014 period, when efforts by the Baltic States intensified in response to Russian aggression against Ukraine and the illegal annexation of Crimea. The article begins with a brief review of national perspectives on total and comprehensive defense. Then, it discusses the factors that prompted the Baltic States’ adoption of comprehensive defense. A comparative analysis of the concepts developed and actions taken by Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania serves as a starting point for a discussion on development and implementation of comprehensive defense for Poland. The research uses a critical analysis of publicly available governmental documents synthesized with academic and think tank research on the subject. The article purposefully concludes before 24 February 2022 and Russian aggression against Ukraine in order to avoid unsupported speculation on decisions and actions taken by the Baltic States in response to the war.</p> Eugeniusz Cieślak Copyright (c) 2022 http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 2022-12-21 2022-12-21 19 4 (79) 73 93 10.12797/Politeja.19.2022.79.05 The Withdrawal of International Forces from Afghanistan – Security Threats for the States and the Region https://journals.akademicka.pl/politeja/article/view/4782 <p>The paper discusses the problem of the withdrawal of multinational forces from the territory of Afghanistan in 2021. An attempt is made to answer the question: What has caused the failure of the international intervention and what could the further consequences of the withdrawal of the NATO coalition forces be? The paper also presents the problem of the decay of Afghanistan and threats to Polish military contingents during the ‘Enduring Freedom’, ISAF and ‘Resolute Support’ operations. The study takes advantage of the results of unique research conducted by the author in the zones of war and stabilization in Afghanistan and previously unpublished source documents. The field research was carried out in the area of responsibility of the Polish Task Force stationed in the Ghazni province in March and April 2009. Moreover, the non-confidential part of the documentation from the activities of individual organizational units of the Polish military contingent was used. The chapter may be of interest to researchers of international and national security, academics (teachers and students) of military and civilian universities as well as activists of governmental and non-governmental organizations providing aid in areas of armed conflicts and after their end.</p> Dariusz S. Kozerawski Copyright (c) 2022 http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 2022-12-21 2022-12-21 19 4 (79) 95 109 10.12797/Politeja.19.2022.79.06 Cyber Pearl Harbor is Not Coming: US Politics Between War and Peace https://journals.akademicka.pl/politeja/article/view/4783 <p>In 2012, the US Defense Secretary Leon E. Panetta warned against an inevitable ‘cyber-Pearl Harbor’, an attack that would cause physical destruction and loss of life. Even though the darkest scenarios have not come true, his words shaped the perception of conflicts in cyberspace.1 Recently, between the cyberwar and cyberpeace, states started recognizing a grey zone area – aggressive and offensive actions below the threshold of armed aggression that enable gaining strategic advantage. The aim of the article is to describe and discuss the change in the American approach to managing conflicts in the cyberspace. The focus will be on describing the current state of the concept of the grey zone in the US strategic documents, as well as the premises for forecasting the development of the grey zone in the future.</p> Dominika Dziwisz Copyright (c) 2022 http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 2022-12-21 2022-12-21 19 4 (79) 95 109 10.12797/Politeja.19.2022.79.07 Intelligence Fusion for the European Union’s Common Security and Defence Policy https://journals.akademicka.pl/politeja/article/view/4784 <p>The data fusion methods, techniques and tools are regarded as a remedy for shortcomings of information/knowledge management and intelligence production. They also address current needs of the holistic, all-source approach to intelligence. Their implementation means the creation of new organizational elements − ‘fusion centers’. The concept of a fusion center has been introduced to and tested in the European Union for years. This paper examines data fusion processes and elements within the EU and focuses on intelligence fusion capabilities developed under the Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP). The examples of the Single Intelligence Analysis Capacity (SIAC) and EU Hybrid Fusion Cell in the Intelligence and Situation Center (INTCEN) are examined to evaluate challenges, opportunities and limitations of EU intelligence fusion elements. This paper is also an effort to indicate that there are still many elements to be improved within the EU intelligence establishment, including the area of data and information fusion – with the overall aim to effectively and timely support CSDP. Intelligence sharing by Member States with the EU remains one of the main impediments.</p> Artur Gruszczak Copyright (c) 2022 http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 2022-12-21 2022-12-21 19 4 (79) 131 150 10.12797/Politeja.19.2022.79.08 In Anticipation of New Migration Crises https://journals.akademicka.pl/politeja/article/view/4785 <p>The concept of resilience has been commonly recognized as a new leitmotif of security governance in the European Union. In the aftermath of the so-called ‘migration crisis’, resilience has spilled over migration and border management, promoting the notions of resilient Schengen and broadly understood technologization of border management, to name a few. This trend has been only strengthened during the COVID-19 pandemic and the most recent border and refugee crises on the EU eastern border, which have mainstreamed the notions of anticipation, preparedness, and the ability to withstand shocks and disturbances external to the EU as a whole. Building on these developments, this article discusses how anticipatory governance interlocks with resilience within the newly proposed EU migration crisis management framework. In doing so, it provides a more nuanced picture of the EU’s post-2015 and 2016 approach to human mobility, asylum, and border protection. Such a take will also allow us to see how exactly the EU has adapted to new migratory circumstances, while conceptualizing the uncertainties related to increased migratory flows and operationalizing specific anticipatory and resilience-centered policy responses.</p> Maciej Stępka Copyright (c) 2022 http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 2022-12-21 2022-12-21 19 4 (79) 151 165 10.12797/Politeja.19.2022.79.09 Energy Policy of Poland until 2040: The Challenges and Threats to Energy Security in the Next Two Decades https://journals.akademicka.pl/politeja/article/view/4786 <p>Poland’s energy transformation will be carried out over the next two decades, and its main objective is decarbonization. Specific goals are included in the energy policy of Poland until 2040. In this context, it should be emphasized that the Polish energy sector requires a complete modernization, especially in terms of electricity supply. The current state of affairs is a consequence of the still too high use of coal in the energy mix. The planned investments are to lead to a deep transition in the Polish energy sector, which will ensure the energy security of the state. The Polish energy policy proposes several methods that are to be used for modernization, i.e., gasification of the electricity sector, implementation of nuclear energy, or the development of renewable energy sources. In this context, it is necessary to identify the challenges and threats to Poland’s energy security. The article presents the current state of the Polish energy sector, the main goals of the EPP 2040 and the resulting threats to energy security.</p> Wiktor Hebda Copyright (c) 2022 http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 2022-12-21 2022-12-21 19 4 (79) 167 186 10.12797/Politeja.19.2022.79.10 Polish Territorial Defence Forces and Innovation during the COVID-19 Pandemic: The Assessment of the Potential of a Mixed-type Force in Non-military Crisis Response https://journals.akademicka.pl/politeja/article/view/4787 <p>Innovation can be understood in multiple ways. It can be seen as big breakthroughs and the introduction of entirely new inventions or as small, incremental changes introduced to existing products, processes, or solutions. Innovation can also be considered as a capability or a characteristic of individuals and organisations. It is viewed as one of the desired (if not crucial) aspects of functioning in a complex environment. This also refers to the armed forces and their activities during war and in response to crises. One of the biggest changes in the Polish Armed Forces in the second decade of the 21st century was the establishment of the Territorial Defence Forces (TDF), a mixed service comprising volunteer and full-time soldiers. This article aims to assess the innovative potential as well as the potential for innovation of such a mixed type of force in non-military crisis response by reviewing the key characteristics and actions carried out by the TDF.</p> Agata Mazurkiewicz Copyright (c) 2022 http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 2022-12-21 2022-12-21 19 4 (79) 187 202 10.12797/Politeja.19.2022.79.11 Citizen’s Involvement in the Shaping of Local Security by the Use of a Digital Crime Mapping Tool Based on GIS https://journals.akademicka.pl/politeja/article/view/4788 <p>More and more advanced crime mapping methods have been used for several dozen years for imaging, analyzing, and, consequently, preventing, and combating crime. Initially, they served only specialized task units in charge of the fight against crime. Subsequently, they became sources of public information on the level of security in particular locations. The crucial requirement for the development of these methods in the third decade of the 21st century is related to the interaction with citizens, who turn from recipients of data into their co-creators by reporting threats occurring in their neighborhood. This article analyzes the National Map of Security Threats (Krajowa Mapa Zagrożeń Bezpieczeństwa, KMZB) implemented in Poland as a GIS-based tool to involve citizens in creating local security and a source of knowledge about the perception of personal safety by KMZB users.</p> Paulina Polko Copyright (c) 2022 http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 2022-12-21 2022-12-21 19 4 (79) 203 218 10.12797/Politeja.19.2022.79.12 Relacje pomiędzy Policją a samorządem terytorialnym – ujęcie prawne i polityczne https://journals.akademicka.pl/politeja/article/view/4789 <p><strong>RELATIONS BETWEEN THE POLICE AND THE POLISH LOCAL GOVERNMENTS – LEGAL AND POLITICAL APPROACH</strong></p> <p>The relationship between the police forces and local governments (self‑government units) is of particular importance to effective national security management. In the article, I provide an extensive review of the existing mechanisms in the area and track down their evolution. I analyze trajectories and results of reforms carried out after 1990, examining crucial aspects of the relationship, including the participation of local governments in the appointment of Police governing bodies, co-financing, the institution of the “demand” to restore legal order, and the particularly problematic ties between poviats and the Police.</p> Arkadiusz Nyzio Copyright (c) 2022 Arkadiusz Nyzio http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 2022-12-21 2022-12-21 19 4 (79) 219 249 10.12797/Politeja.19.2022.79.13 Inwigilacja w parlamencie. Analiza procesu legislacyjnego projektów dotyczących czynności operacyjno-rozpoznawczych w dobie rozwoju technologicznego https://journals.akademicka.pl/politeja/article/view/4790 <p><strong>SURVEILLANCE IN PARLIAMENT: AN ANALYSIS OF THE LEGISLATIVE PROCESS OF PROJECTS CONCERNING SECRET SURVEILLANCE IN THE ERA OF TECHNOLOGICAL DEVELOPMENT</strong></p> <p>Secret surveillance is one of the core activities of the intelligence services. Covert collection of information about individuals is often necessary for the effective performance of their tasks. On the other hand, the development of information technologies enables mass and virtually unlimited covert surveillance, thereby compromising democratic values such as privacy or transparency. Thus, balancing security and individual rights requires the creation of appropriate legal and political checks on surveillance. The responsibility for delineating the permissible boundaries of surveillance authorities rests primarily upon parliaments. However, Polish surveillance law tends to successively expand surveillance powers at the expense of the constitutional balance, as confirmed by multiple Constitutional Court rulings. One of the theories put forward to explain this fact is the regulatory capture theory, according to which legislators, through close cooperation with intelligence agency personnel, adopt the latter’s perspective and values, becoming co-opted to further their interests. This is exacerbated because the intelligence personnel has greater expertise on surveillance issues, and, as noted by J. Widacki, <em>an exceptional capability to charm discussants, strong motives for exercising it, and substantial experience with significant successes in this area</em>. This article seeks to ‘un-charm’ this area. Through a combination of quantitative and qualitative methods, and by reference to objective, measurable indicators, we seek to assess the extent of regulatory capture on the Polish legislative process in the area of secret surveillance, and thereby contribute to explaining the weakness of the legal and political checks on intelligence services in Poland.</p> Mateusz Kolaszyński Dariusz Stolicki Copyright (c) 2022 http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 2022-12-21 2022-12-21 19 4 (79) 251 286 10.12797/Politeja.19.2022.79.14 Przestrzenne determinanty przestępczości w Krakowie w latach 2017-2021 https://journals.akademicka.pl/politeja/article/view/4791 <p><strong>SPATIAL DETERMINANTS OF CRIME IN KRAKOW, 2017-2021</strong></p> <p>The article presents a spatial analysis of selected types of crimes committed in Krakow in 2017-2021. Spatial data on crimes from the Police registers, the numbers of which were presented in tabular form, and data on the distribution of municipal monitoring were used for the research. The first step was to determine the type of spatial distribution of criminal offenses using the Nearest Neighbour Analysis method. As a result of determining the type of distribution as a clustered distribution, a detailed identification of the places of the highest concentration of criminal events in the city was initiated. For this purpose, the method of kernel density estimation showing the distribution of intensity of criminal events was used. Analyzes showed the highest concentration of violent crimes in Krakow in 2017-2021 in the city center, while crimes against property was evenly distributed throughout the city, with the exception of its suburbs. The last stage was a detailed spatial analysis of places defined as “hot spots” in terms of their functional and spatial conditions and situational conditions conducive to or hindering the commission of crimes there. The analysis was made on the basis of the local inspection of “hot spots”. The obtained research results were compared to the criminological theories presented in the article and the results of research in this scope presented both in Poland and abroad.</p> Agnieszka Polończyk Copyright (c) 2022 http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 2022-12-21 2022-12-21 19 4 (79) 287 326 10.12797/Politeja.19.2022.79.15 Percepcja bezpieczeństwa ekonomicznego gospodarstw domowych https://journals.akademicka.pl/politeja/article/view/4792 <p><strong>PERCEPTIONS OF HOUSEHOLDS’ ECONOMIC SAFETY</strong></p> <p>In the triad of major economic entities, households play a key role in economic processes. They make one of the fundamental pillars of the domestic market economy. Their economic condition is of great significance to other participants of commercial exchange and affects the functioning of other entities. Currently, every modern entity which manages limited resources strives to satisfy its needs in a way that maximizes benefits. By meeting their needs, households strive to develop a specific sense of economic safety. It is primarily conditioned by a certain level and quality of life and provides opportunities for development. Nowadays, economic safety has become the basic need and goal of every economic unit, including households.</p> Bogdan Kosowski Aneta Kułakowska Copyright (c) 2022 http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 2022-12-21 2022-12-21 19 4 (79) 327 342 10.12797/Politeja.19.2022.79.16 Porównanie treści polskich i amerykańskich dokumentów strategicznych z zakresu bezpieczeństwa w latach 2001-2020 https://journals.akademicka.pl/politeja/article/view/4793 <p><strong>COMPARISON OF THE CONTENT OF POLISH AND AMERICAN STRATEGIC DOCUMENTS 2001-2020</strong></p> <p>The purpose of this article is to present the results of an analysis of the content of strategic documents on national security adopted by the United States and Poland between 2001 and 2020. The choice of the research field was determined by the place these documents occupy in the hierarchy of strategic texts related to state security. Due to the cooperation between both states and the Polish perception of the United States as the most important ally, the research task is to determine whether there is a convergence in the content of strategic documents issued by the Rzeczpospolita in relation to US documents. Furthermore, the paper examines to what extent the links between the two countries are reflected in the form and content of official strategic documents and in the description of threats. The text consists of three parts. The first is theoretical and focuses on describing the hierarchy of strategic documents in both countries. The second section presents a comparative analysis of the formal aspect and, therefore, how documents are adopted in the United States and in Poland. The last part of the article contains the conclusions of the analysis of the threats identified in the documents of both countries.</p> Amelia Hutyra Błażej Sajduk Copyright (c) 2022 http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 2022-12-21 2022-12-21 19 4 (79) 343 368 10.12797/Politeja.19.2022.79.17 Filozofia, wojna sprawiedliwa i europejskie dylematy u zarania nowoczesności. Wokół książki Kartezjusz i Kanibale Iwony Krupeckiej https://journals.akademicka.pl/politeja/article/view/4794 Arkadiusz Górnisiewicz Copyright (c) 2022 http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 2022-12-21 2022-12-21 19 4 (79) 369 378 10.12797/Politeja.19.2022.79.18 Front Matter https://journals.akademicka.pl/politeja/article/view/4777 Copyright (c) 2022 http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 2022-12-21 2022-12-21 19 4 (79) Back Matter https://journals.akademicka.pl/politeja/article/view/4795 Copyright (c) 2022 http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 2022-12-21 2022-12-21 19 4 (79)