Politeja https://journals.akademicka.pl/politeja <p><em>Politeja</em> is published by the Faculty of International and Political Studies of the Jagiellonian University, where a circle has formed of academics perfectly qualified for undertaking such reflection. It seems that it is in this particular unit of the Jagiellonian University that such reflection finds a forum perfectly equipped for an in-depth and solid analysis of phenomena of present-day relevance, both cultural and political, given that it has combined units existing for a long time with newly established ones, albeit in both cases comprising experienced researchers capable of looking at the same phenomena from various vantage points.</p> Księgarnia Akademicka Sp. z o.o. en-US Politeja 1733-6716 Deconsolidation of Democracy in 21st Century Latin America https://journals.akademicka.pl/politeja/article/view/4904 <p>The first decades of 21<sup>st</sup> century are a difficult time for Latin America and the Caribbean. This is also evident in the area of democracy and its consolidation. Particularly recent years have brought significant problems and challenges in functioning of democratic regimes. As a consequence, it is justified to talk about the process called deconsolidation of democracy in this region. In the article, the present condition of democratic regimes in Latin America and the Caribbean is presented. It is followed by an analysis of basic challenges and finally explaining potential risks for the process of consolidation of democratic regimes in the region.</p> Karol Derwich Copyright (c) 2022 http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 2022-12-28 2022-12-28 19 6(81) 15 42 10.12797/Politeja.19.2022.81.01 Democracy on the Periphery of Modern Society: Structures, Semantics and Expectations https://journals.akademicka.pl/politeja/article/view/4905 <p>The problem of social order in the periphery of modern society is problematized on the conceptual architecture of the General Theory of Social Systems (TGSS), tracing the semantic and expectative forms of the structures’ institutionalization, and the reproduced and parasitized artifacts in those structures which, paradoxically, construct the functional and differentiated preeminent order in the <em>modernity of modern society</em>. The capture of the state apparatus by particular structures has been one of the characteristics that define the articulation of order in the region. Structures (family, group, clientelistic inclusion networks) that have been stabilizing, and even define the expectations that guide the assumptions of functional differentiation, operating factually with the logic of a stratified social order, promoting clientelist relations and practices and excluding exclusivity that, rather than weakening, strengthens the ‘citizen’ experience, promoting the permanent oscillation between ‘legality’ and illegality that permeates deeply the organic and structural interstices of the social order in this periphery.</p> Raúl Zamorano Farías Copyright (c) 2022 http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 2022-12-28 2022-12-28 19 6(81) 43 60 10.12797/Politeja.19.2022.81.02 Constitutional Atomic Bomb or Paper Tiger? The Institution of Impeachment in the Federative Republic of Brazil https://journals.akademicka.pl/politeja/article/view/4906 <p>Over the course of less than a quarter of a century, two Brazilian Heads of State – Fernando Collor in 1992 and Dilma Rousseff in 2016 – have been removed from office by impeachment. There has been much controversy surrounding both proceedings, particularly the latter. The article seeks to discuss briefly the history of the proceeding of impeachment in Brazil and its significance for the country’s political life after 1988. Through an analysis of the impeachment cases of President Fernando Collor and President Dilma Rousseff, and overview of the literature on impeachment in Latin America, the paper will address the similarities and differences present in both cases in which a Brazilian Head of State was removed from office. The last part of the article will further discuss the disputes among Brazilian jurists triggered by differing evaluations of this legal measure and, in particular, the more recent case of its implementation in Brazil.</p> Monika Sawicka Copyright (c) 2022 http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 2022-12-28 2022-12-28 19 6(81) 61 83 10.12797/Politeja.19.2022.81.03 Fake News and Democracy in Latin America https://journals.akademicka.pl/politeja/article/view/4907 <p>Diverse territories of Latin America are immersed in important situations today. The region is not only facing shortages, inequities, and inequalities a large part of the population has to live with, but also constant information, disinformation and fake news that permeate their minds and erode their freedom of decision and action in democratic processes. The scenario they are going through calls for a deep shake from its foundations, given the discourse of knowledge beyond a robust wave of information, coming from unusual sources, some of them disrupting the effort to ascertain the truth of the facts and being apparently at the service of economic and/or political hegemonies. This text proposes a comprehensive approach to fake news and the scope of influence they have on individual freedom with repercussions on the weak Latin American democracy.</p> Sandra Bonnie Flórez Hernández Maria Susana Marlés Herrera Copyright (c) 2022 http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 2022-12-28 2022-12-28 19 6(81) 85 101 10.12797/Politeja.19.2022.81.04 Socio-economic Status, Territory and Political Participation in Twenty-First- Century Mexico https://journals.akademicka.pl/politeja/article/view/4908 <p>This article is built on the reflections that the authors have had during their latest research on political participation in several municipalities of Mexico. Thus, based on the ethnographies conducted between 2006 and 2016, mainly in the town of Xico (Veracruz state), we set up as analyzing unities specific political interactions (including patronizing) among Mexican citizens within the five types recognized by Social Sciences: voting, campaigning, contacting political officials, working on public affairs and talking about politics. On this basis, we explore the articulation of the aforementioned interactions and, more specifically, of the roles adopted by the interacting citizens as identity markers linking these people in a highlighted way with a series of socio‑economic and socio‑territorial features, dimensions that, ultimately, turn out inseparable from the existing power relations in the local societies. In conclusion, we are of the opinion that, together with indicators of income, education, professional category or living <em>nearby territory</em>, it can be affirmed that the political behavior in Mexico is shown as both socio‑economic indicator and socio‑territorial belonging not because parties represent interests of class, but because there are well defined spheres of political behavior depending on the socio‑economic stratum and the socio‑territorial belonging of the individual.</p> Ángel B. Espina Barrio Fernando Gutiérrez-Chico Iñigo González-Fuente Copyright (c) 2022 http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 2022-12-28 2022-12-28 19 6(81) 103 121 10.12797/Politeja.19.2022.81.05 Political Polarization in Times of Crisis: La grieta and Its Impact on Argentine Democracy during the COVID-19 Pandemic https://journals.akademicka.pl/politeja/article/view/4909 <p>The article discusses how the Argentine socio‑political polarization known as <em>la grieta</em> has influenced the country’s politics and impacted democratic standards during the Covid‑19 pandemic. It uses qualitative data to present the nature of Argentine socio‑political polarization, the outbreak of the Covid‑19 pandemic in Argentina and new areas of polarization that emerged in the country under the pandemic situation, mainly the quarantine measures and vaccination campaign. The paper also takes a look on potential challenges for the Argentine democracy in a post‑pandemic reality.</p> Magdalena Lisińska Copyright (c) 2022 http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 2022-12-28 2022-12-28 19 6(81) 123 138 10.12797/Politeja.19.2022.81.06 La política del síntoma. A propósito de la crisis del Octubre chileno https://journals.akademicka.pl/politeja/article/view/4910 <p><strong>THE POLITICS OF SYMPTOM: ABOUT THE CHILEAN OCTOBER CRISIS</strong></p> <p>The study tries to reconsider the social outburst that took place in Chile on October 18, 2019. This will be carried out based primarily on the notion of symptom in Freud and in light of two relevant counterpoints regarding this psychoanalytic category, we’re talking about the philosophers Slavoj Žižek and Jacques Derrida.</p> Javier Agüero Águila Luis Amigo Maureira Copyright (c) 2022 http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 2022-12-28 2022-12-28 19 6(81) 139 155 10.12797/Politeja.19.2022.81.07 “Yo no sé caminar Comodoro”. Pluralismo jurídico y garantía de derechos para personas migrantes en contextos de desigualdades sociales (Patagonia, Argentina) https://journals.akademicka.pl/politeja/article/view/4911 <p><strong>“I DON’T KNOW HOW TO WALK COMODORO”: LEGAL PLURALISM AND GUARANTEE OF RIGHTS FOR MIGRANTS IN THE CONTEXTS OF SOCIAL INEQUALITIES (PATAGONIA, ARGENTINA)</strong></p> <p>In this paper, we analyze the difficulties in access to social rights in Argentina by migrant groups from neighboring countries, particularly women from the Andean world (Bolivia), in the justice field. In an ethnographic approach and with contributions from the decolonial perspective, we present various situations that Quechua‑speaking women experience in the Cuenca del Golfo San Jorge (Argentina) which exemplify a set of restrictions and violence that operate in the context of social inequalities. Thus, some social practices linked to differential ways of understanding life in society and justice stand out, resignified in the migratory context that accounts for the agency of migrant groups. State institutions must initiate a process of transformation focused on legal pluralism, the intercultural approach, and the intersectionality of gender perspectives.</p> Brígida Baeza Carlos Barria Oyarzo Copyright (c) 2022 http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 2022-12-28 2022-12-28 19 6(81) 157 177 10.12797/Politeja.19.2022.81.08 Denunciando al estado. Los artistas como Campaneros en América Latina de los 60. https://journals.akademicka.pl/politeja/article/view/4912 <p><strong>DENOUNCING THE STATE: THE ARTISTS AS BELL RINGERS IN LATIN AMERICA OF THE 1960S</strong></p> <p>The term <em>bell‑ringer</em> is relatively new, however, it is derived from the concept of <em>whistleblower</em>, which emerged in the 1960s. In that decade, many Latin American countries experienced coups and military dictatorships, which oppressed the political opposition and censored the media. In the absence of the institutions of control and independent journalism, artists began to denounce the abuses of power and the vices of societies in their works, which led to the creation of new artistic movements in Latin America. This article seeks to test a hypothesis that as a result, the artists became<em> bell‑ringers</em>, perfectly fitting the definition framework of the theory presented by Marcia P. Miceli, Suelette Dreyfus, and Janet P. Near.</p> Alicja Fijałkowska-Myszyńska Copyright (c) 2022 http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 2022-12-28 2022-12-28 19 6(81) 179 195 10.12797/Politeja.19.2022.81.09 El gobierno de Andrés Manuel López Obrador y la política antimigratoria https://journals.akademicka.pl/politeja/article/view/4913 <p><strong>ANDRÉS MANUEL LÓPEZ OBRADOR’S GOVERNMENT AND ANTI‑ IMMIGRATION POLICY</strong></p> <p>In this article we propose to address and analyse some actions related to migration in the government of Andrés Manuel López Obrador (AMLO), Mexico’s president‑elect in 2018. The United States’ migration containment policies make use of the submission of countries such as Mexico and Guatemala, in a process known as border externalisation. The main containment wall is Mexico, which uses its two borders as militarised spaces to stop flows, especially from Central America, from reaching the United States. Throughout the text we will discuss the necropolitics associated with the practices of death and the selective policies towards the migrant population.</p> Érica Sarmiento Copyright (c) 2022 http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 2022-12-28 2022-12-28 19 6(81) 197 213 10.12797/Politeja.19.2022.81.10 Building Human Security in Mexicali, Baja California (2010-2020) https://journals.akademicka.pl/politeja/article/view/4914 <p>This article aims to analyze social inequality and public security in Mexicali Metropolitan Area from a Human Security approach. The research methodology, carried out in the summer of 2021, is mix methods, with qualitative, quantitative, and cartographic technics. It is based on official data, international organizations reports, media outlets while Google Earth and Mapinfo are mapping tools. The document is divided into the following sections: introduction, conceptual framework, methodology, and qualitative and quantitative description of social inequality and insecurity in the Mexicali Metropolitan Area (MMA). Subsequently, the main argument is addressed, supported by statistics and thematic maps. Finally, the closing considerations are presented.</p> Zulia Orozco Gerardo Hernández Copyright (c) 2022 http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 2022-12-28 2022-12-28 19 6(81) 215 234 10.12797/Politeja.19.2022.81.11 The US-Mexican Border and Contemporary American Immigration Policy https://journals.akademicka.pl/politeja/article/view/4915 <p>There have been several periods in American history that are referred to as turbulent times. They were characterized by a wide range of changes that happened to respond to issues that brought anxiety, threat, discontent, or trouble. Donald Trump’s presidency and the Covid‑19 pandemic significantly influenced American immigration policy and the lives of immigrants. The present article pays special attention to the Mexican‑American border. This area plays a crucial role in migration studies focusing on the Americas for at least two reasons: international relations between Mexico (and the Latin American region) and the United States, and homeland security issues related to irregular and regular migrant flows. This study aims to determine what changes have been implemented in border policy, investigate why they occurred, and finally, discuss their results. The article analyzes the most challenging issues characteristic of the situation of unaccompanied minor migrants, the concept of Trump’s wall or the ‘remain in Mexico’ program. The US‑Mexican border studies have played a crucial role in research dedicated to American immigration policy since its inception. Today, it is also an area of concern and special attention is paid to this region due to the dynamics of processes taking place at the border. The work presented here discusses and highlights the most turbulent issues that echoed not only in the United States but also worldwide.</p> Anna Bartnik Copyright (c) 2022 http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 2022-12-28 2022-12-28 19 6(81) 235 252 10.12797/Politeja.19.2022.81.12 Divide and Rule: Political Impact of President Trump’s US-Mexico Border Wall Initiative https://journals.akademicka.pl/politeja/article/view/4916 <p>While announcing his participation in 2016 presidential campaign, Donald Trump promised, if elected, to build a wall along the US‑Mexican border to limit the flow of illegal immigrants from Latin America to the United States. During the campaign, he repeatedly stressed the necessity to control the situation at the border, which he indicated as one of the biggest threats for US national security, claiming that Mexico should pay for the construction of the wall. After winning the election, President Trump decided to fulfill his promise and signed an executive order enabling the wall to be erected. During four years of his tenure, the wall was built in almost half of the planned length It had impact not only on the flow of immigrants from Latin America, but also on the debate about U.S. immigration policy, as well as on the bilateral relations with Mexico. The purpose of the article is to analyze political consequences of putting up the wall, both in the US and Mexico, and to assess the impact of Trump’s immigration policy on the relations between both countries.</p> Paweł Laidler Copyright (c) 2022 http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 2022-12-28 2022-12-28 19 6(81) 253 278 10.12797/Politeja.19.2022.81.13 Canada’s Temporary Labor Migration Policy: The Case of Mexican Seasonal Agricultural Workers https://journals.akademicka.pl/politeja/article/view/4917 <p>The article analyzes Canadian temporary foreign worker migration policies through the prism of Canada’s Seasonal Agricultural Worker Program (SAWP), one of the largest and oldest seasonal worker programs in Canada’s postwar immigration policies, whose main participants are seasonal farmworker migrants from Mexico. The article outlines the premises of Canadian labor migration policies and presents a brief history of Mexican migrations to Canada. Most importantly, however, it focuses on the functioning of SAWP, presenting the program’s positive impact as well as its shortages and failures through the lens of experiences of its Mexican participants. The summary of this text proposes certain reforms and changes to SAWP that might help eliminate some of the program’s deficiencies.</p> Tomasz Soroka Copyright (c) 2022 http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 2022-12-28 2022-12-28 19 6(81) 279 303 10.12797/Politeja.19.2022.81.14 Plan Colombia: Towards New US State Building Policy https://journals.akademicka.pl/politeja/article/view/4918 <p>The article discusses the evolution of US policy toward the Colombian crisis. The policy and Plan Colombia are studied in the context of US nation building and state building policy. The article shows whether Plan Colombia referred to previous experiences of US nation or state building policy and how that policy evolved. The case study of Colombia allows for a general reflection on the evolution of US policy after the Cold War.</p> Marcin Fatalski Copyright (c) 2022 http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 2022-12-28 2022-12-28 19 6(81) 305 319 10.12797/Politeja.19.2022.81.15 Militaryzacja zwalczania przestępczości w Hondurasie w XXI wieku https://journals.akademicka.pl/politeja/article/view/4919 <p><strong>THE MILITARIZATION OF SECURITY IN HONDURAS IN THE 21<sup>ST</sup> CENTURY</strong></p> <p>The main purpose of the paper is to analyze the multidimensional phenomenon of crime and violence in Honduras in the context of the militarization of security. It shows mechanisms and manifestations of some activities of the transnational organized crime networks and the street gangs, emphasizing the significance of identity and a sense of belonging that are crucial to understand why some young people decide to join these criminal groups. The paper is also focused on the most important programs and initiatives implemented by the central authorities to face these challenges in the 2000s and 2010s. The main finding of this study recognizes the role of the military forces in the domestic policy and strategy against crime in Honduras and the challenges for democracy and human rights.</p> Stanisław Kosmynka Copyright (c) 2022 http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 2022-12-28 2022-12-28 19 6(81) 321 342 10.12797/Politeja.19.2022.81.16 Bukelismo. Regres demokracji w Salwadorze w okresie rządów Nayiba Bukele https://journals.akademicka.pl/politeja/article/view/4920 <p><strong>BUKELISMO: THE REGRESSION OF DEMOCRACY IN EL SALVADOR DURING THE TERM OF NAYIB BUKELE</strong></p> <p>The aim of the article is to analyze the process of autocratization of the El Salvador’s political system after 2019, as well as to show the specifics of the government of Nayib Bukele. The author, based on the systemic and institutional‑legal methods, and to a lesser extent empirical and comparative methods, verifies two research hypotheses, according to which (1) there was a violent and radical regression of the political system and a permanent transition from democracy to autocratic rule in El Salvador during the term of Nayib Bukele; (2) bukelismo is a classic combination of populism, militarism, and authoritarian behavior of the leader. The Salvadoran case of democratic regression has been presented in the broader context of anti‑democratic changes in the Latin American region. In the article, the author focuses on several key problems: systemic changes resulting in an imbalance and the separation of powers; mechanisms for controlling the executive power; populism and control of the information space by the president; and the militarization of politics.</p> Michał Stelmach Copyright (c) 2022 http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 2022-12-28 2022-12-28 19 6(81) 343 362 10.12797/Politeja.19.2022.81.17 Mikrokonteksty przemocy w wojnie domowej. O konflikcie zbrojnym, lokalnych antagonizmach i siłach chłopskich w Peru https://journals.akademicka.pl/politeja/article/view/4921 <p><strong>MICRO CONTEXTS OF VIOLENCE IN THE CIVIL WAR: ON THE ARMED CONFLICT, LOCAL ANTAGONISMS AND PEASANT FORCES IN PERU</strong></p> <p>The article discusses the mechanisms of the Peruvian internal conflict development (1980‑2000), with particular emphasis on the beginning of military operations in the central‑southern province and the circumstances of the peasants’ involvement. In the text, I decolonize the image of <em>comuneros</em> as passive victims of political violence. I assume that they were generally involved in the armed conflict but they responded primarily not to the macro‑ but the micro‑conditions of the processes of violence (i.e. inter‑ and intra‑village antagonisms instead of the political competition of the irregular forces with the state that arose outside their community). The article looks, therefore, at the mechanisms of the Peruvian conflict before the beginning of village self‑defense forces and identifies the sources of civilian terror in the province as well as its impact on the further course of the war. The text is based on the existing sources describing the participation of the peasants in the struggles, confronted with the results of my fieldwork in Peru in 2005‑2010 and their update from 2015‑2019.</p> Joanna Pietraszczyk-Sękowska Copyright (c) 2022 http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 2022-12-28 2022-12-28 19 6(81) 363 383 10.12797/Politeja.19.2022.81.18 Back Matter https://journals.akademicka.pl/politeja/article/view/4922 Copyright (c) 2022 http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 2022-12-28 2022-12-28 19 6(81) Front Matter https://journals.akademicka.pl/politeja/article/view/4901 Copyright (c) 2022 http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 2022-12-28 2022-12-28 19 6(81) In Memory of Professor Karol Derwich https://journals.akademicka.pl/politeja/article/view/4903 Magdalena Lisińska Monika Sawicka Copyright (c) 2022 http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 2022-12-28 2022-12-28 19 6(81) 7 9 Wspomnienie o Profesorze Karolu Derwichu https://journals.akademicka.pl/politeja/article/view/4902 Magdalena Lisińska Monika Sawicka Copyright (c) 2022 http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 2022-12-28 2022-12-28 19 6(81) 11 13