Politeja
https://journals.akademicka.pl/politeja
<p><em>Politeja</em> is published by the Faculty of International and Political Studies of the Jagiellonian University, where a circle has formed of academics perfectly qualified for undertaking such reflection. It seems that it is in this particular unit of the Jagiellonian University that such reflection finds a forum perfectly equipped for an in-depth and solid analysis of phenomena of present-day relevance, both cultural and political, given that it has combined units existing for a long time with newly established ones, albeit in both cases comprising experienced researchers capable of looking at the same phenomena from various vantage points.</p>Księgarnia Akademicka Sp. z o.o.en-USPoliteja1733-6716Front Matter
https://journals.akademicka.pl/politeja/article/view/5870
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2024-09-272024-09-27211(88/2)Wstęp
https://journals.akademicka.pl/politeja/article/view/5981
Krzysztof KoźbiałMarcin Zubek
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2024-09-272024-09-27211(88/2)56Polityka Austrii wobec imigracji i unijnej polityki imigracyjnej
https://journals.akademicka.pl/politeja/article/view/5871
<p><strong>AUSTRIA’S POLICY TOWARDS IMMIGRATION AND EU IMMIGRATION POLICY</strong></p> <p>Austria’s migration policy has changed over the past years. The analysis of contemporary immigration processes taking place in Austria is not only an interesting, but also a very dynamic issue. The mentioned changes had an influence on internal situation of the country, as well as on the attitude towards the EU migration policy. The aim of the analysis will be to diagnose the main line of Austrian policy towards contemporary migration processes. The research goal was to indicate the nature of changes in Austria’s policy towards immigration and their causes. The analysis concerned both the internal dimension and Austria’s activity on the European forum. The thesis was accepted that these two levels are interconnected, and Austria’s attitude towards the EU immigration policy is a reflection of the changes that can be observed in the state’s internal policy. The article first presents the stages of shaping Austria’s internal immigration policy, and then the state’s attitude towards the EU proposals to solve the so-called migration issue. With regard to the second issue, the focus was on two elements: the European Union’s response to the events related to the outbreak of the migration crisis and the work on a new pact on migration and asylum, undertaken in connection with the abandonment of the forced relocation program.</p>Ewa Godlewska
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2024-09-272024-09-27211(88/2)72210.12797/Politeja.20.2024.88.2.01Republika Czeska w Unii Europejskiej. 20 lat członkostwa w oczach społeczeństwa czeskiego
https://journals.akademicka.pl/politeja/article/view/5872
<p><strong>THE CZECH REPUBLIC IN THE EUROPEAN UNION: 20 YEARS OF MEMBERSHIP IN THE </strong><strong>EYES OF THE CZECH SOCIETY</strong></p> <p>The Czech Republic has been a member of the European Union since 2004. Accession was decided by the country’s citizens in a referendum in 2003, with more than 77% of voters approving of this move in international politics. Over time, the Czech public’s assessment of the European Union and its actions has become increasingly critical, which has become apparent in opinion polls. The number of those dissatisfied with the functioning of the EU at the turn of the first decade even exceeded the number of those satisfied. The Czechs were positive about the EU’s environmental, security or cultural activities, while they were negative about the euro and its possible introduction from around 2009. The reasons for this can be traced to important international events that were also noticeable in the Czech Republic (financial crisis of 2008-2010, migration crisis, COVID-19 pandemic). A feature of the country is also the relatively sceptical attitude of political parties towards European integration, which was also significant.</p>Krzysztof Koźbiał
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2024-09-272024-09-27211(88/2)233910.12797/Politeja.20.2024.88.2.02Polskie wybory parlamentarne i referendum z 15 października 2023 r.
https://journals.akademicka.pl/politeja/article/view/5873
<p><strong>THE OCTOBER 15<sup>TH</sup> 2023 PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS AND REFERENDUM IN POLAND: </strong><strong>ISSUES AND CONCERNS REGARDING CONCURRENT VOTING<br /><br /></strong>Poland does not have much experience in holding nationwide referendums. Moreover, never before did the elections and referendums take place on the same day. Even though the simultaneous organisation of elections and referendums is not something new in the political practice of many democracies, this issue is rarely discussed in the scholarly literature. This is due to the fact that elections and referendums rarely take place concurrently. Taking into consideration that the decision to hold both events concurrently should bear in mind the efficiency of both processes, the cost of organisation, different technical and legal issues as well as the impact of the entire electoral and referendum cycle on the freedom and fairness of voting, one can see the many challenges such concurrent voting entails. In this article the authors examine the most important challenges and concerns associated with this year’s organisation of concurrent referendum and parliamentary elections in Poland on Sunday October 15th, trying to answer at the same time what is its impact on the quality of voting in the country.<strong><br /></strong></p>Magdalena Musiał-KargFernando Casal Bértoa
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2024-09-272024-09-27211(88/2)415910.12797/Politeja.20.2024.88.2.03Współpraca rozwojowa wobec wyzwań w kontekstach niestabilności – zaangażowanie Austrii
https://journals.akademicka.pl/politeja/article/view/5874
<p><strong>DEVELOPMENT COOPERATION IN THE FACE OF CHALLENGES IN FRAGILE CONTEXTS – AUSTRIA’S COMMITMENT</strong></p> <p>The aim of the paper is to analyse the commitment of Austrian development cooperation in fragile and conflict-affected countries in the context of dynamically changing conditions of international development cooperation, in particular the Hamas terror on Israel and the ongoing Russian war of aggression on Ukraine. The political guidelines and strategies of key actors in Austrian Official Development Assistance (ODA) have been assessed. Humanitarian aid is a key element of Austria’s engagement abroad in response to numerous crises, implemented multilaterally on the ground through UN agendas and Austrian nongovernmental organisations. At the same time, there is a tightening of connections between humanitarian aid and development cooperation in contexts of instability as an expression of Austria’s global responsibility.</p>Anna Paterek
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2024-09-272024-09-27211(88/2)617710.12797/Politeja.20.2024.88.2.04Prawne i polityczne konsekwencje wyroku Trybunału Sprawiedliwości z dnia 6 września 2017 roku w sprawie Republiki Słowackiej i Węgier przeciwko Radzie Unii Europejskiej w przedmiocie skargi o stwierdzenie nieważności decyzji (UE) 2015/1601
https://journals.akademicka.pl/politeja/article/view/5880
<p><strong>LEGAL AND POLITICAL CONSEQUENCES OF THE JUDGMENT OF THE COURT OF JUSTICE OF </strong><strong>6 SEPTEMBER 2017 IN THE CASE OF THE SLOVAK REPUBLIC AND HUNGARY V COUNCIL </strong><strong>OF THE EUROPEAN UNION ON THE ACTION FOR ANNULMENT OF DECISION (EU) </strong><strong>2015/1601<br /><br /></strong>The subject of the paper is the analysis of the judgment of the Court of Justice in joined cases C-643/15 and C-647/15 annulment of Council Decision (EU) 2015/1601 of 22.09.2015 establishing provisional measures in the area of international protection for the benefit of Italy and Greece. The Republic of Poland intervenes in the allegations raised in the complaint against the Council of the EU. The study will present the context, genesis and content of the contested decision, as well as the arguments of the parties and the assessment of individual allegations by the Court. The decision was taken in response to the migration crisis in the Mediterranean, which prompted the EU institutions to take solidarity measures in favour of frontline countries. The decision provides, e.g., for the relocation of persons who have applied for international protection from Italy and Greece to the territory of other Member States. The aim of the paper is to examine the impact of the judgment of the Court of Justice on the shape of immigration policy manifested in the practice of EU Member States and EU institutions. The study mainly uses the legalanalytical method. Selected acts of primary and secondary EU law and judgments of the Court of Justice were subjected to legal analysis.<strong><br /></strong></p>Marta Pietras-Eichberger
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2024-09-272024-09-27211(88/2)799010.12797/Politeja.20.2024.88.2.05Wyspy Normandzkie wobec wizji niezależności
https://journals.akademicka.pl/politeja/article/view/5881
<p><strong>CHANNEL ISLANDS TOWARDS THE VISION OF INDEPENDENCE</strong></p> <p>As a result of the events that occurred in Catalonia in 2017, the independence aspirations of nations, territories and the authorities of certain regions have become a more frequently analysed topic. The formation of new states is not a short and easy process. In addition, it is necessary to obtain the approval of the international community in order for the new state to function smoothly in its relations with other subjects of international law. In recent years, also in the context of the Channel Islands, discussions have arisen about their possible independence. Within this small archipelago there are dependent territories: The Bailiwick of Jersey and the Bailiwick of Guernsey, within which there are two other jurisdictions of Alderney and Sark. Britain’s exit from the European Union (EU), which occurred as a result of the June 23, 2016 referendum, also affected the situation in its dependent territories.</p>Karol Piękoś
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2024-09-272024-09-27211(88/2)9110210.12797/Politeja.20.2024.88.2.06Konstytucyjna pozycja Senatu w kontekście zasadności istnienia tego organu
https://journals.akademicka.pl/politeja/article/view/5882
<p><strong>THE CONSTITUTIONAL POSITION OF SENATE IN THE CONTEXT OF THE LEGITIMACY OF ITS EXISTENCE</strong></p> <p>The aim of the article is to analyse the prevailing views on the constitutional position of the Senate of the Republic of Poland. Attention was paid to the powers of the analysed body, its constitutional status, as well as its real impact on the functioning of the state. An important feature in this regard is the reflection on the purposefulness of the existence of this body in the context of its current competences. Both the views on the science of law and the jurisprudence of the Constitutional Tribunal will be analysed. The formal-dogmatic method was used in the article. It seems that the legitimacy of the existence of the Senate in the context of the current Constitution is at least substantively questionable. Therefore, according to the authors, the extension of the powers of the Senate should be considered. Then the functioning of a bicameral parliament in a unitary state would be substantively justified.</p>Andrzej StelmachPiotr ChrobakAdam Kurek
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2024-09-272024-09-27211(88/2)10311910.12797/Politeja.20.2024.88.2.07Ewolucja polityki zagranicznej Włoch po agresji Rosji na Ukrainę
https://journals.akademicka.pl/politeja/article/view/5883
<p><strong>THE EVOLUTION OF ITALIAN FOREIGN POLICY AFTER RUSSIA’S AGGRESSION AGAINST UKRAINE: INTERNAL AND GEOPOLITICAL ASPECTS</strong></p> <p>Russia’s aggression against Ukraine led to an evolution in Italian foreign policy and a move away from the hitherto pragmatic relationship with Moscow. Rome has ensured full support for the EU, NATO and US strategy towards the Russian-Ukrainian conflict, both by implementing sanctions against Russia, moving away from energy supplies from Russian sources, and providing strong political (EU membership) and military support for Ukraine. It has done this despite the reluctant attitude of much of the political class and society (pacifism, anti-American and pro-Russian sentiments). The impossibility of further “privileged cooperation” with Russia, and the need to diversify the supply of energy sources, has forced the Italian government to pay more attention to the “enlarged Mediterranean” region, where Italy’s main political and economic interests are concentrated (security, energy sources, immigration control, trade routes). This implies a more dynamic interpretation of Italy’s international role and a new security formula in the area.</p>Krzysztof Strzałka
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2024-09-272024-09-27211(88/2)12113710.12797/Politeja.20.2024.88.2.08Feministyczna polityka zagraniczna Republiki Federalnej Niemiec – założenia teoretyczne i wymiar praktyczny w kontekście wojny w Ukrainie
https://journals.akademicka.pl/politeja/article/view/5884
<p><strong>GERMANY’S FEMINIST FOREIGN POLICY IN THEORY AND IN PRACTICE IN THE CONTEXT OF THE WAR IN UKRAINE</strong></p> <p>The concept of a feminist foreign policy, which aims, among others, to counteract all forms of discrimination, inequality and gender stereotypes against women around the world, has been gaining in importance over the past few years. The first countries that decided to adopt its theoretical principles into political practice were Sweden and Canada. When Annalena Baerbock assumed the office of Minister of Foreign Affairs in 2021, Germany joined this group as well. The diplomatic strategy towards women she announced, based on rights, resources, representation and diversity, constitutes the new orientation of German foreign policy. The goal of the article is to present the origins and definition of Feminist Foreign Policy, the principles of this concept presented by Auswärtiges Amt, the examples of the activities within the scope of the feminist foreign policy undertaken in Germany so far, as well as the analysis of the challenges related to implementing its main themes, especially in the face of the Russia-Ukraine war.</p>Joanna Trajman
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2024-09-272024-09-27211(88/2)13915410.12797/Politeja.20.2024.88.2.09Wybrane przykłady dezinformacji podczas kampanii wyborczej do Rady Narodowej Republiki Słowackiej w 2023 roku
https://journals.akademicka.pl/politeja/article/view/5885
<p><strong>SELECTED EXAMPLES OF DISINFORMATION DURING THE 2023 ELECTION CAMPAIGN FOR </strong><strong>THE NATIONAL COUNCIL OF THE SLOVAK REPUBLIC</strong></p> <p>The article deals with the early elections to the National Council of the Slovak Republic, held on September 30, 2023. It analyses the campaign before the parliamentary elections in terms of disinformation activities. The study characterises the concept of disinformation, presents the electoral programmes of the various groups and the election results, and analyses instances of disinformation during the campaign. The elections showed the clash of two visions of the state and a clear dividing line was the attitude towards the Russian-Ukrainian war. The article is based on the assumption that disinformation played an important role in the campaign before the elections to the National Council of the Slovak Republic and, for the first time, artificial intelligence was used in the campaign. The object of the attacks was Progressive Slovakia and above all its leader, Michal Šimečka. This had an impact on the outcome of the election, but it is not possible to determine on what scale.</p>Krzysztof Żarna
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2024-09-272024-09-27211(88/2)15516810.12797/Politeja.20.2024.88.2.10Autonomia parlamentów narodowych w hybrydowym systemie Unii Europejskiej
https://journals.akademicka.pl/politeja/article/view/5886
<p><strong>AUTONOMY OF NATIONAL PARLIAMENTS IN THE HYBRID SYSTEM OF THE EUROPEAN UNION</strong></p> <p>This article aims to prove the hypothesis that the European Union has become a subsidiarily independent entity, with a hybrid character that combines supra‑national, supra-state and national (state) elements. This makes member states and their parliamentary representations occupy an autonomous position in the EU power system, creating and implementing their own functions and interests. The article was prepared based on neo-functionalist, but also neo-realist premises. Both of these paradigms are present in the theory of representation, which distinguishes representation of national parliaments as acting “on behalf of someone” and representation as acting “on its own behalf ”. For this reason, the article substantiates its author’s belief that national parliaments in the European Union act in a hybrid manner, not least because they simultaneously represent their states (governments) and the EU institutions, but also themselves as autonomous and independent subjects of EU power.</p>Zbigniew Czachór
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2024-09-272024-09-27211(88/2)16918210.12797/Politeja.20.2024.88.2.11Nielegalny Handel w regionalnych ugrupowaniach integracyjnych na przykładzie obrotu towarami podrabianymi i pirackimi w Unii Europejskiej
https://journals.akademicka.pl/politeja/article/view/5887
<p><strong>ILLICIT TRADE IN REGIONAL INTEGRATION COMMUNITIES ON THE EXAMPLE OF TRADE </strong><strong>IN COUNTERFEIT AND PIRATED GOODS IN THE EUROPEAN UNION</strong></p> <p>Illicit trade in the 21st century is a global phenomenon because the underlying activities concern a number of countries in the modern world. However, as a derivative of many factors, including historical, legal, economic, and cultural, it has different intensity in individual regions of the world, just as its impact on the condition of individual economies is not the same. A special case is both its development and counteracting it in regional integration groups. The reason for this is the freedom of movement of goods or production factors between member countries, as well as the often common external customs border and the pursuit of a common trade policy. The aim of the article is to present trends and results of the analysis of illicit trade in the European Union. This was done on the example of trade in counterfeit and pirated goods in 2005-2021. The study carried out a critical analysis of the subject literature, source documents and used EUROSTAT and OECD source data.</p>Małgorzata CzermińskaJoanna Garlińska-Bielawska
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2024-09-272024-09-27211(88/2)18319810.12797/Politeja.20.2024.88.2.12Priorytety przewodnictwa państw Bałkanów Zachodnich w Organizacji Bezpieczeństwa i Współpracy w Europie po utworzeniu Procesu Berlińskiego
https://journals.akademicka.pl/politeja/article/view/5888
<p><strong>PRIORITIES FOR THE PRESIDENCY OF THE WESTERN BALKAN COUNTRIES IN THE ORGANIZATION</strong><strong> FOR SECURITY AND COOPERATION IN EUROPE AFTER THE ESTABLISHMENT OF</strong><strong> THE BERLIN PROCESS</strong></p> <p>The Berlin Process has significantly influenced the Western Balkan countries’ definition of objectives during their chairmanship of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE), enabling the implementation of projects and security measures proposed by the Balkan countries based on their regional experience. Using a comparative method, the most important tasks of the presidencies of Serbia, Albania, and the Republic of North Macedonia in the OSCE are presented. The common and leading priority of the three countries’ chairmanships was the efforts to stabilise the situation in Ukraine, while the countries of the region addressed the issues of climate security or armed conflicts in the OSCE area differently.</p>Karolina Hermann
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2024-09-272024-09-27211(88/2)19921410.12797/Politeja.20.2024.88.2.13Pomiędzy realizmem a kompleksowym podejściem do bezpieczeństwa. Wizje bezpieczeństwa w dyskursie strategicznym państw członkowskich NATO
https://journals.akademicka.pl/politeja/article/view/5889
<p><strong>BETWEEN REALISM AND COMPREHENSIVE APPROACH TO SECURITY: THE VISIONS OF </strong><strong>SECURITY IN THE STRATEGIC DISCOURSE OF NATO MEMBER STATES</strong></p> <p>The war in Donbas, the Russian annexation of Crimea, and its full-scale invasion of Ukraine are part of a trend that many international relations analysts and researchers have dubbed a return to realism and so-called “hard power”. Within this trend, we observe the strengthening of defence capabilities and deterrence by NATO member states, as well as a concentration of the security discourse on military matters. At the same time, this trend has emerged after many years of peacekeeping and stabilisation efforts, which gradually introduced the principles of a comprehensive approach to security into the mainstream security discourse. This approach is based on cooperation, combining the efforts of military and civilian actors, and a certain dispersion of responsibility for security. Therefore, the question arises to what extent comprehensive approach to security and the “return to realism” have influenced the strategic discourse of NATO member states. In seeking an answer to this question, the article will examine the discourse of national security strategies of selected European NATO member states published before and after 2014.</p>Agata Mazurkiewicz
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2024-09-272024-09-27211(88/2)21522610.12797/Politeja.20.2024.88.2.14The Impact of the European Green Deal Strategy on the Evolution of EU Regional Policy after 2021
https://journals.akademicka.pl/politeja/article/view/5890
<p>The article’s primary goal is to define how establishing the European Green Deal (EGD) development strategy has influenced changes in the European Union’s (EU’s) regional policy programming and implementation. The subject of the analysis is the objectives and financial instruments of the EU regional policy for the years 2021-2027, which have been programmed taking into account the priorities defined in the EGD strategy. The article will verify the hypothesis regarding the impact of the EU’s strategic principles on the paradigm shift in the EU regional policy. European Union development priorities focused on climate neutrality, environmental protection, and biodiversity require implementing a regional policy centred on specific horizontal goals common to all EU regions. The author argues that as a result, the territorial aspect of implementing the EU regional policy weakens, reflected in the arrangement of its goals and the directions of intervention of structural funds in the Multiannual Financial Framework (MFF) 2021-2027.</p>Małgorzata Michalewska-Pawlak
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2024-09-272024-09-27211(88/2)22723910.12797/Politeja.20.2024.88.2.15Polityka delokalizacji produkcji w Unii Europejskiej w warunkach strategicznej rywalizacji Chin i USA. W kierunku nowego kształtu globalnych łańcuchów wartości
https://journals.akademicka.pl/politeja/article/view/5891
<p><strong>THE POLICY OF RELOCATING PRODUCTION IN THE EUROPEAN UNION IN THE CONTEXT OF THE STRATEGIC RIVALRY BETWEEN CHINA AND THE USA: TOWARD GLOBAL VALUE CHAINS TRANSFORMATION<br /><br /></strong>The policy of relocating production in the EU is a response to the challenges faced by the global economy. It is also an action in which the EU is trying to respond to the policy of its main economic competitors, i.e., the USA and China. The diagnoses suggest the need for regulators to take action. Therefore, countries are competing to implement measures that are supposed to increase the level of supply security and eliminate possible future disruptions, especially in areas that are considered the most sensitive. The aim of the article is to identify the extent to which EU policy may affect the relocation of production in the EU, and thus the shape of value chains, in the context of increased political uncertainty as a result of the US-China rivalry. This article argues that the EU’s policy of relocating production is aimed at diversifying and increasing the resilience of supply chains by favouring the location of production in the Member States. However, the instruments used by the EU are not fully adequate for the problems that have arisen.<strong><br /></strong></p>Marek Świstak
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2024-09-272024-09-27211(88/2)24125710.12797/Politeja.20.2024.88.2.16Pojęcie oraz techniczny wymiar autonomii strategicznej Unii Europejskiej
https://journals.akademicka.pl/politeja/article/view/5893
<p><strong>THE CONCEPT AND TECHNICAL ASPECTS OF STRATEGIC AUTONOMY OF THE EUROPEAN UNION: THE EXAMPLE OF SPACE POLICY</strong></p> <p>The author of the article addresses the issue of strategic autonomy of the European Union. He points out the origin of the term in French defence policy and its further evolution into the open strategic autonomy within the European Union. The author then analyses the development of the various elements of the EU Space Strategy, and consequently attempts to answer the question of whether and to what extent, in light of past experience, the European Union, is able to become autonomous in the field of its activity in space. The author concludes that the European Union does not, as yet, have the full capacity to develop its competence in space security and defence on its own. Meanwhile, Europe should both as the EU and NATO significantly expand its strategic space capabilities with the goal of moving closer to becoming an equal partner, but not a rival, to the United States. It should become fully independent of a self-isolating Russia, and ensure its autonomy from new Asian space powers like China and India. Unlike Russia, this does not preclude cooperation in the scientific field or the prudent use and provision of commercial services.</p>Bartosz Smolik
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2024-09-272024-09-27211(88/2)25927110.12797/Politeja.20.2024.88.2.17Management in the Renewable Energy Sector in the European Union Countries
https://journals.akademicka.pl/politeja/article/view/5894
<p>Management in the field of the Green Deal in the European Union (EU) has become a pivotal goal in recent years as the region continues to prioritise sustainability and combat climate change. The EU has established ambitious goals to transition towards a greener and more sustainable energy landscape. This transformation needs strategic management practices that encompass various aspects of the sector. The aim of this article is to analyse the correlation between the variables X – the share of renewable energy in final energy consumption and Y – CO2 emissions. The paper assumes that there is a correlation between the variables studied. The study did not confirm this hypothesis for all EU countries, but only for a selected group. Due to the variables analysed, the countries were grouped using the k-means method, which made it possible to identify the leaders, middle countries and marauders of the Green Transformation.</p>Magdalena Tomala
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2024-09-272024-09-27211(88/2)27328810.12797/Politeja.20.2024.88.2.18Back Matter
https://journals.akademicka.pl/politeja/article/view/5895
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2024-09-272024-09-27211(88/2)