Politeja is published by the Faculty of International and Political Studies of the Jagiellonian University, where a circle has formed of academics perfectly qualified for undertaking such reflection. It seems that it is in this particular unit of the Jagiellonian University that such reflection finds a forum perfectly equipped for an in-depth and solid analysis of phenomena of present-day relevance, both cultural and political, given that it has combined units existing for a long time with newly established ones, albeit in both cases comprising experienced researchers capable of looking at the same phenomena from various vantage points.
The Challenges of Technological Development after 2020 and the Crisis of Liberal Democracy in Bulgaria
The article explores the interplay between technological change, rise of populism, post-democracy, and the challenges faced by the liberal state. It argues that while meritocracy might offer equality of opportunity, it often exacerbates social inequalities because it legitimates elitism and empowers oligarchs. The crisis of liberal democracy comes from the erosion of trust in institutions and the concentration of enormous power among elites. Post-democracy, characterized by technocratic governance and reduced public engagement, undermines democratic ideals. This crisis in Bulgaria heightens the country’s vulnerability to corruption, Russian hybrid influence, and geopolitical risks at the EU’s external border. These developments are particularly problematic as Bulgaria has recently joined the Schengen area, creating an awkward situation for both the EU and the country itself. The text advocates to preserve democratic values by reviving the social commitment and ensuring a balance between economic growth and public interest. Authors like Zygmunt Bauman and Yuval Noah Harari call for rethinking democratic practices to protect human agency, address inequality and ensure broader societal participation.
Copyright (c) 2026 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0
This article investigates the internal tensions of Liberal Democracy through the lens of discourse and political language, with particular attention to the rise of populist narratives. Far from being an external threat, populism emerges as a product of democracy itself, appropriating its symbolic repertoire – such as freedom, sovereignty, representation, and transparency – to construct a rhetoric of rupture. This dynamic generates what can be termed the ‘liberal trap’: populism legitimizes itself within democratic frameworks while simultaneously fostering illiberal practices that erode pluralism, checks and balances, and the substantive rule of law. By analyzing the semantic reconfigurations of key democratic concepts, the article highlights how language functions as both a vehicle of legitimacy and a mechanism of democratic corrosion. The study argues that populism should not be reduced to pathology or deviation but understood as a discursive transformation that reveals unresolved contradictions at the core of liberal democracy. In this way, populist discourse operates as both a symptom of systemic fragility and a catalyst of political change, illustrating how democratic ideals can be reappropriated and instrumentalized to undermine their very foundations.
Anti-Politics as a Quasi-Regulative Idea
The notion of anti-politics resists a straight-forward definition due to the complexity and heterogeneity of the phenomena it encompasses. Discussions of anti-politics rarely aim to identify its essence directly; rather, they describe individual phenomena that constitute it, hoping that its meaning will emerge through such descriptions. Another possible methodological stance – drawing on Wittgenstein’s concept of family resemblance – would be to assume that antipolitics lacks a fixed nature and that the phenomena associated with it are only loosely connected. I propose a different solution: to treat anti-politics as a quasiregulative idea in the Kantian sense. In this view, anti-politics does not possess a substantial character (it is not a phenomenon or institutional fact) but a regulative one. It would thus be a construct of reason aimed at imposing unity on our cognition. This allows for phenomena such as the crisis (or revaluation) of democracy; the crisis of (neo)liberal ideology; processes of de-democratization or autocratization; depoliticization; the emergence of ‘uncivil’ society; contestation and political rebellion; indifference or apathy; and political disaffection or de-ideologization2 to be linked under a single idea that provides regulative coherence – without forcing them into a reductive, uniform framework that erases their internal differences. I suggest a change in the way of thinking about antipolitics, namely, instead of thinking about it as a certain socio-political phenomenon, I propose to think about it as an idea that unites these phenomena without being constituted by them. In the first part of this paper, I examine how selected authors conceptualize anti-politics; in the second, I outline Kant’s concept of regulative ideas; and in the third, I propose how this framework can be applied to the analysis of contemporary political phenomena.
Power of the Demos or Power over the Demos – Condition, Consolidation, Leadership and Threats of Modern Democracy in Political Science Discourse
This publication attempts to analyze the condition of contemporary democracy and the processes of its consolidation from the perspective of political science. The key issue is the question of whether modern democratic systems truly uphold the principle of rule by the people (the power of the demos), or whether they are increasingly transforming into systems in which real power is drifting away from the citizens (power over the demos). During the research, a detailed analysis of political and social discourse was conducted, with particular attention paid to the evolution of the language of public debate, the semantic shifts of concepts fundamental to democracy (e.g., freedom, representation, sovereignty, consensus), and the ways in which these concepts are employed by various political and media actors. The study identifies patterns and differences that occur in various social contexts, allowing for the formulation of conclusions relevant to shaping a more conscious, responsible, and inclusive public debate. Attention is also given to the growing phenomena of polarization, populism, the erosion of trust in institutions, and the media-driven fragmentation of the public discourse space. The work concludes with a reflection on possible directions for strengthening democratic legitimacy through civic education, transparent communication, and the accountability of political and media elites.
Young EU Citizens’ Perception of Democracy and European Security in the Age of Artificial Intelligence and Global Threats
The essence of a democratic system lies primarily in active citizens who give mandates to politicians they trust. This does not absolve citizens of their responsibility for the state, as democracy and freedom must be nurtures to be enjoyed in the future, Meanwhile, with each passing decade since the political transformation in Central and Eastern Europe and so called ‘Big Bang’ enlargement of the European Union in 2004, it seems that citizens’ vigilance in this regard is weakening and more and more problems are emerging. Low voter turnout, the erosion of democratic values, citizens’ distrust of their voting power, a lack of political culture, and the rivalry between national and EU interests are just some of the issues that are increasingly discussed in public discourse. Added to this is a controversial new phenomenon that is increasingly impacting our private and social lives – the artificial intelligence revolution. In the background, war on the EU’s eastern border, instable transatlantic relations under Trump’s Administration and intensified nationalist and right-wing movements. This article attempts to answer the questions: what is the true condition of democracy in the EU during this difficult time, as perceived by young citizens, in whose hands rests the future of both the EU and democracy itself ? Do the language we use, and artificial intelligence technology influence the form and essence of democracy? What steps, if any, are being taken to prevent humans from single-handedly destroying democracy, international relations, freedom, and the human element in politics through AI?
Artificial Authority: From Machine Minds to Political Alignments
Political beliefs vary significantly across different countries, reflecting distinct historical, cultural, and institutional contexts. These ideologies, ranging from liberal democracies to rigid autocracies, influence human societies, as well as the digital systems that are constructed within those societies. The advent of generative artificial intelligence, particularly Large Language Models (LLMs), introduces new agents in the political space-agents trained on massive corpora that replicate and proliferate socio-political assumptions. This paper analyzes whether LLMs display propensities consistent with democratic or autocratic worldviews. We validate this insight through experimental tests in which we experiment with the leading LLMs developed across disparate political contexts, using several existing psychometric and political orientation measures. The analysis is based on both numerical scoring and qualitative analysis of the models’ responses. Findings indicate high model-to-model variability and a strong association with the political culture of the country in which the model was developed. These findings highlight the need for more detailed examination of the sociopolitical dimensions embedded within AI systems.
We are currently struggling with two transforming phenomena. On the one hand, we are witnessing an unprecedented in the history of mankind acceleration of the amount of data we have and the corresponding ability to collect and analyse it. On the other hand, we are witnessing a constant struggle to make democracy as good as possible – regardless of how such a normative goal is defined. Among many available solutions, the paper concerns two examples. The first is militant democracy, one of the more traditional attempts at saving democracy. Acknowledging its critical challenges, the other solution that is gaining momentum nowadays is discussed: Artificial Intelligence, which is conceptualized here as cyberocracy. What results is the contention that the discrepancy between technology opportunities and the public’s frustration with democratic politics calls for consideration since it may constitute a basis for mapping out some viable options to reinvigorate democratic systems. Through referring to theory of democracy, sample AI democracy-addressed innovations are related to five dimensions: electoral, liberal, participatory, deliberative, and egalitarian. Such conceptual assessment of AI exemplar technologies designed for diverse forms of engagement in democratic governance offers a conceptual mapping of technologies aligned with democratic principles and allows to move beyond the dominant dystopian approach to the topic.
This paper explores the evolving structure of modern liberal democracy in the context of artificial intelligence (AI) integration, proposing that the emergence of artificial cognitive systems – understood as quasi-autonomous agents – has initiated a process of hybridization within democratic communication. These systems, functioning as intermediaries in public discourse, reshape the subject structure of political interaction and challenge traditional models of agency. Drawing on behavioral and functional paradigms in political science, alongside cultural evolution theory and Daniel Dennett’s concept of the Joycean machine, the paper develops a cognitive-cultural framework for explaining political behavior. It argues that political actions are increasingly mediated by cognitive artefacts, necessitating a redefinition of political actors and communicative structures. This interdisciplinary approach offers a novel lens for understanding the transformation of liberal democracy in the age of artificial minds and the future of political agency.
Who Controls the Buttons? Algomorphic Society, Technocracy, and Italian Politics
The integration of artificial intelligence and predictive algorithms into political processes marks a profound transformation of governance and democracy. In Italy, the adoption of digital tools by political parties and institutions – such as the Rousseau platform of the Movimento 5 Stelle and La Bestia of Lega – demonstrates how politics is increasingly shaped by algorithmic optimization logics, reducing the space for traditional democratic deliberation. This study examines how AI’s role in politics is not always driven by genuine needs but often by external pressures and the imperative to conform to technological modernization models and it explores the risk of a digital technocracy, in which decision-making power progressively shifts from representative institutions to predictive systems. The reflection concludes with the metaphor of the ‘control room’ questioning who truly controls decision-making today: elected representatives or the invisible architectures of algorithms? The article critically examines the future of democracy in an era where society is becoming increasingly algomorphic, shaped by automated systems and post-reality dynamics.
Threats and Opportunities of Technocracy in the Era of Artificial Intelligence
This article focuses on the threats and opportunities of technocracy in the context of present-day technological development. In the first section, the concept of technocracy is defined, followed by a discussion of the history and changing characteristics of the technocratic movement, mainly in the US. The second section is devoted to analyzing the negative impact that technocracy can have on democratic systems, human values, and morality. This section discusses threats such as the deepening of social divisions, non-democratic tendencies, the self-reification of humans, and the lack of alignment between human and algorithmic values. The remainder of the article discusses the positive impact of the technocratic mindset on democratic systems. It is exemplified by methods of integrating expert knowledge into democratic processes and the ‘technocratic style’ of policymaking.
This paper examines Bernard Stiegler’s concept of telecracy as a structural threat to democracy, analyzing its epistemological, political, and ontological consequences. Stiegler argues that modern democracies are increasingly dominated by media and algorithmic perception management, transforming active citizens into passive consumers. Drawing on classical political thought – from Plato’s critique of democracy’s susceptibility to demagoguery to Aristotle’s emphasis on civic virtue – the study highlights how contemporary information systems undermine deliberation and participatory governance. The shift from citizen to consumer, driven by drive-based capitalism and psychopower, erodes democratic engagement, reducing politics to a market-driven spectacle rather than a space for rational discourse. The paper further explores how noetic entropy, the decline of critical thinking, results in a political landscape shaped by algorithmic control rather than informed decision-making. Ultimately, it argues that democracy’s survival depends on reclaiming the public sphere from media-driven manipulation through an ‘ecology of attention’ – restructuring digital and educational institutions to promote reflective political engagement. Without such reforms, democracy risks degenerating into a technocratic system where sovereignty is nominal and political agency is merely a symbolic gesture. The study contributes to political philosophy and media theory by critically evaluating the contemporary transformation of democratic subjectivity under telecratic conditions.
This article explores the complex relationship between political engagement and the use of social media, focusing on the interaction between online and offline participation. While digital platforms have been hailed for their democratic potential and capacity to expand access to the political sphere, the evidence reviewed suggests that social media do not necessarily facilitate political engagement in contemporary societies. The study synthesizes key findings from recent research to highlight how algorithmic filtering, echo chambers, and the spread of disinformation distort political exposure and hinder meaningful participation. Despite increased opportunities for mobilization, digital political activity often remains limited to low-cost, low-commitment actions that rarely translate into offline collective engagement. Furthermore, the literature has not yet advanced sufficiently in identifying the causal mechanisms that explain how online and offline participation influence one another. This gap prevents a full understanding of whether digital participation helps bridge or widen existing gaps in political engagement. In doing so, the article questions whether contemporary democracies are becoming increasingly disconnected from the voices of their citizens, despite the apparent connectivity offered by social networks.
The aim of this article is to try to explain the phenomenon of dirty hands in political leadership as a manifestation of anti-political practices of gaining and maintaining political authority, especially Donald Trump’s leadership phenomenon. The starting point for discussing the phenomenon of ‘dirty’ leadership will be ethical relativism, which can be interpreted not only as a practical denial of the idea of axiological absolutism in politics (a state of diversity regarding moral attitudes among political actors), but also as a manifestation of cynical behavior of a political leader. The phenomenon of the ‘dirty’ leader not only challenges our ideas about ethics and leadership, it also reveals certain weaknesses of elite-driven liberal democracy, which illiberal elites around the world have used to their advantage and reflects a kind of anti-political politics associated with authoritarianism.
This article focuses on the analysis of the concepts of radicalism, extremism, and terrorism, with particular emphasis on their role in anti-democratic movements. The paper aims to provide precise terminological clarification of these phenomena and examine how they are used by various groups and organizations seeking to undermine democratic systems. The article presents the differences between these concepts, their interconnections, and the context in which they are applied in political and sociological analyses. It also discusses how radical and extremist ideologies find space to develop within democratic societies, often exploiting legal political mechanisms to pursue their objectives. Furthermore, the article analyzes how terrorism, as the most extreme manifestation of extremism, serves as a tool for anti-democratic groups seeking to destabilize political order. Its reliance on violence distinguishes it from radicalism, which may advocate change without rejecting democratic principles, and from extremism, which may reject those principles but does not necessarily resort to violence. The paper highlights the necessity of precisely defining these phenomena in the context of contemporary challenges to democracy and points to the role of states and international institutions in countering their development.
The study examines the well-known and metaphorically often used, popular idiomatic expression ‘Achilles’ heel’ in the Slovak corpus of journalistic texts, in the context of social and democratic processes. The research is based on the ethnolinguistic explanation of the phraseological units containing the word ‘heel’. The study uses the tools of corpus linguistics to verify the frequency, collocation fields and contextual use of given phraseological phrases. It focuses on identifying key areas of Slovak society that are named in journalism by the unflattering attribute of the Achilles’ heel, i.e. a weak, vulnerable point, etc. The research is carried out in two corpora: 1. in the corpus of written texts prim-10.0-public-inf (SNK public inf version 10.0, Size: 1,163,232,349) and 2. in the time-limited corpus of the SME daily in the period since the outbreak of the war in Ukraine 01/2022 – 06/2023.3 The comparison of the two corpora points to different weak and vulnerable points (the so-called Achilles’ heels) of Slovak society (and democracy) as they appear in journalistic texts.
Language, Populism, and Political Discourse in Contemporary Europe
This paper examines how populism operates through language in contemporary Europe, using the Netherlands as a revealing case and focusing on the Dutch Party for Freedom (PVV). We treat populism primarily as a discursive phenomenon: a political practice enacted through lexical choices, symbolic boundarymaking, and recurring oppositions between ‘the people’ and ‘the elites’, while drawing on ideational, strategic, and performative perspectives as interpretive cross-checks. Methodologically, the study combines Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) with Corpus Linguistics (CL): a dedicated corpus of PVV electoral texts is analyzed in Sketch Engine to identify statistically salient keywords (via frequency and keyness), which are then interpreted through close, contextsensitive CDA. The findings show that PVV discourse is organized around a compact set of lexical anchors (e.g., asylum restriction, border control, regulatory skepticism), which function as condensed ideological signals enabling blame-shifting, moralization, and the naturalization of exclusion. By mapping these mechanisms, the paper offers a replicable framework for studying how populist rhetoric gains coherence, resonance, and political force in an increasingly mediated and algorithmically shaped public sphere.
Crisis of Liberal Democracy in the United States
The Trump administration’s second term policies have created a surge in criticism from the liberal establishment claiming that the US democratic system is under attack. However, Trump, claiming a popular mandate from American voters, is using his executive power against what he calls the unelected and undemocratic deep state government bureaucracy. Nevertheless, public trust in all branches of the US government is at an all-time low. It seems that while American voters want their government to be run like a business, they are not pleased with business-as-usual. The central question I address in this paper is whether the current democratic crisis is something new, or whether the US liberal democracy has always been in crisis. While the American establishment and most of the public do not question the political system’s democratic credentials, there have always been critical voices arguing that the US liberal democracy has never reached its lofty ideals. I examine those critiques in this paper looking beyond the myths of US democracy to how it is practiced. By focusing on historical critiques and detailing the overwhelming influence of economic elites in US domestic and foreign policies, I hope to show that the US system is in fact a tyranny of the minority. I argue that the US liberal democracy has always been in crisis, if it ever existed in the first place.
From the first industrial revolution to the digital age, every transformation in production has called forth new forms of representation and new ways of safeguarding collective dignity. In Poland, this historical arc found its most powerful expression in Solidarność, a movement that was at once a trade union and a civic force, guiding the passage from authoritarian rule to democratic pluralism. Its later decline, however, exposed the fragility of intermediate bodies confronted with liberalization and rapid systemic upheaval. At this historical juncture, the spread of artificial intelligence and algorithmic management presents a challenge of similar magnitude. These technologies not only reorganize labor but also redefine the very frameworks of negotiation, often bypassing established institutions. What remains constant is the need for intermediate bodies able to anchor collective rights in this shifting landscape. Only through a human-centered approach can technology be turned into a means of enhancing human capacities, ensuring dignity at work, and sustaining solidarity as a cornerstone of democratic life.
The aim of the article is to empirically verify hypotheses positing the existence of a culture of anti-politics in Poland. The author focuses on the period between 2015 and 2023, examining the processes of autocratization within the political system and their impact on the culture of anti-politics. The analysis is conducted on two dimensions of political culture: behavioral and evaluative. The data used in the article are derived from Polish research centers (CBOS) and the European Election Studies (EES), which serve as the basis for comparative research.
The Fragility of Democracy and Its Double-Edged Nature
This article argues that ‘democracy’ has become a largely unquestioned legitimizing principle in contemporary politics, while anti-democratic projects increasingly operate through democratic labels (e.g., ‘people’s’, ‘Islamic’, ‘guided’, ‘true’ democracy). It traces how technological change (especially the internet) reopens the question of direct versus representative rule, intensifying tensions between popular sovereignty, expertise, and accountability. The paper also highlights institutional distortions (party convergence, judicial overreach, blurred separation of powers) and the growing gap between democracy’s liberal and majoritarian components. Finally, it compares non-Western reinterpretations of democracy (Islamic, Hindutva, Confucian / ‘Asian values’) and assesses how media ecosystems and AI may further amplify manipulation, oligarchic drift, or authoritarian capture.
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Bitcoin jako komponent systemu pieniężnego
BITCOIN AS A COMPONENT OF THE MONETARY SYSTEM: SOCIAL INTEGRATION, TECHNOLOGICAL DIFFUSION AND SOCIO-POLITICAL TRANSFORMATIONS The aim of this article is a multifaceted analysis of Bitcoin as a component of the contemporary monetary system, identifying the processes of its socialization, technological diffusion, and the consequences of changes in the socio-political space. The author successively presents indicators of Bitcoin’s social and economic integration and the development of blockchain as a tool transforming trust, legitimization, and the structure of value circulation. Particular emphasis is placed on analyzing the process of blockchain technology diffusion and the social mechanisms of legitimizing new forms of value. The article concludes with the thesis that Bitcoin, transcending its financial function, has become a component of a broader civilizational shift – a harbinger of the transformation of the model of money, ownership, and sovereignty in the era of Web 3.0.
Copyright (c) 2022 http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0
The Myth of Europa: Europe's Universality in the Face of Sexual Difference
The myth of Europa, which consists of the rapture of Europa by Zeus disguised as a bull, her rape, and the birth of three sons founding civilizations, is one of the most represented mythological scenes in Western Art, but it has also been the object of study of European philosophers.1 These philosophical discussions on the myth of Europa reveal Europe as a universalizable space, the space of politics par excellence. The central argument of the article is that the depiction of Europe as transcendence and universalizability can only occur through the repression of the movement of rape. Bringing (a feminist) attention to this movement simultaneously uncovers the patriarchal-colonial visions of politics that are sustained by a depiction of rape as irrelevant, desirable, or justified, but also puts forward alternative imaginaries of Europe carried by a depiction of Europa’s rape as a lived experience of suffering. The article concludes by sketching three pledges for a feminist political philosophy of Europe, one that brings attention to the material-bodily character of discourses on and about Europe, the need for intersectional feminist methodologies and visual-political transfers, and the responsibility to craft nonhegemonic images and imaginaries of Europe.
myth of Europa, sexual difference, phenomenology, feminism, coloniality
Copyright (c) 2026 Andréa Delestrade http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0
Nauki polityczne wobec kwestii UFO/UAP i życia pozaziemskiego
POLITICAL SCIENCES IN APPROACH TO THE ISSUE OF UFOs/UAPs AND EXTRATERRESTRIAL LIFE For many years political scientists have had little interest in the issues of UFOs, UAPs, and extraterrestrial life, which have been perceived as something unworthy of scientific status and of scientific research; the need of socio-political studies on these issues has been widely questioned, so the taboo around them has been steadily growing. Today the situation is changing quite dramatically – in favor of active political research on the title issues, creating vast opportunities for new scientific formulas, in which political science, as well as IR and security studies, has a major role to play; ultimately many things here on Earth, if not all of them, connected with the issues of UFOs, UAPs and extraterrestrial life are political, and for science – truly paradigm-breaking. The aim of this paper is threefold: 1) to present the vast scientific, science-related and non-scientific (political, intellectual, social) context of considerations on the title issues; 2) to present the premises political scientists actively taking up any threads resulting from the domain of UFO/UAP and ET-related topics, and 3) to indicate already existing lines of research, as well as possible thematic areas, in which representatives of political sciences could fulfill themselves to great effect.
Copyright (c) 2026 Piotr Obacz http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0
Ku dialogicznemu pluralizmowi w nauce o stosunkach międzynarodowych – o roli, substancji i konsekwencjach podstaw metateoretycznych w praktyce badawczej
TOWARDS DIALOGICAL PLURALISM IN INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS – ON THE ROLE, SUBSTANCE AND CONSEQUENCES OF METATHEORETICAL FOUNDATIONS IN RESEARCH PRACTICE The aims of the article are the following: (1) to point out the rung occupied by metatheory on the ladder of abstraction of the actual work of International Relations scholars; (2) to present a typology of possible metatheoretical approaches to the study of international reality; (3) to provide examples of classic IR works that are based on specific metatheoretical approaches; (4) to help particular scholars to identify their own metatheoretical bases using the aforementioned typology and examples; and (5) to propose an approach allowing ideas to flow between approaches based on different metatheories while maintaining the integrating role of the discipline.
Copyright (c) 2026 Mateusz Filary-Szczepanik http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0
Wotum zaufania – referendum odwoławcze – wybory
VOTE OF CONFIDENCE – RECALL REFERENDUM – ELECTIONS: COMPATIBILITY AND THE EFFECTIVENESS OF ACCOUNTABILITY MECHANISMS OF LOCAL AUTHORITIES (WITH THE EXAMPLE OF SELECTED MUNICIPALITIES IN POLAND) In addition to elections and recall referendum, another method of holding local authorities accountable has been introduced in Poland – an annual report on the state of a local government unit and a debate on it – with the possible participation of residents – concluding with the granting or refusal to grant a vote of confidence in the local executive by the local legislative. The article addresses the issue of consistency of the results of the report and debate mechanism with the results of recall referenda and municipal elections. The research was based on the theory of accountability, interpreted as a three-dimensional process whose components are information, discussion and consequences. A multiple case study was used as the main research method; the research was performed in 14 municipalities. The authors found that elections remain the most effective instrument of accountability. Recall referendums most often remain invalid due to a too low turnout, while the report and debate on the state of the municipality, and a possible lack of confidence do not always end with the next step – a resolution to hold a recall referendum of the mayor. However, in most of the cases examined, there was consistency in the results of these two or three accountability mechanisms.
Copyright (c) 2026 Agnieszka Pawłowska, Anna Kołomycew, Bogusław Kotarba http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0